Mongol invasions of Japan

Naming and terminology

In Japanese historical sources from the Kamakura and Muromachi periods, the two invasions launched by the Mongol-led Yuan dynasty and Goryeo were referred to by various descriptive terms, including Mōko shūrai (Mongol invasion), Mōkorai (Mongol coming), Izoku shūrai (invasion of foreign bandits), Mōko gassen (Mongol battle), and Ikoku gassen (foreign battle). The word izoku (foreign bandit) was traditionally applied in Japanese records to external invaders, including the earlier Jurchen incursions known as the Toi invasion and legendary campaigns such as the conquest of the three Korean kingdoms attributed to Empress Jingū in the Hachiman Gudōkun. Invaders were also occasionally termed kyōto (villains or cutthroats). In addition, contemporary records referred to the separate campaigns by their Japanese era names, designating the 1274 invasion as the Bun'ei battle (Bun'ei gassen) and the 1281 invasion as the Kōan battle (Kōan gassen).

The collective term Genkō (元寇), which translates literally as Yuan banditry or the Yuan incursion, first appeared during the Edo period in the Dai Nihonshi (Great History of Japan), an extensive historical compilation initiated by Tokugawa Mitsukuni.^[1] Over the course of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, several Japanese historians adopted this characterization in treatises such as the Mōkokōki by Chōmon Kan, the Genkō Shimatsu by Komiyama Masahide, and the Genkō Kiryaku by Ōhashi Totsuan. The character kō (寇) conveys an explicit nuance of invasion by outside enemies.^[1] Historian Shoji Kawazoe noted that the widespread adoption of Genkō occurred during the late Edo period against the backdrop of Western encroachment in Asian waters, the Qing dynasty's defeat in the Opium War, and rising intellectual focus on national defense against foreign powers.^[2] In contemporary historiography, while Genkō remains common, alternatives such as Mōko shūrai or Mongoru shūrai are frequently utilized.^[3] Chinese and Korean dynastic sources traditionally referred to the expeditions as Dongzheng (Eastern Expedition), Zhengdong (Conquering the East), or Zheng Riben (Punitive Expedition against Japan).

Background and origins

Under Genghis Khan and his successors, the Mongol Empire expanded across vast portions of Eurasia during the early and mid-thirteenth century, conquering the Jurchen Jin dynasty in northern China by 1234 and subjecting surrounding realms.^[4][5] Between 1231 and 1259, the Mongols launched seven major campaigns against the kingdom of Goryeo on the Korean peninsula.^[6] Following the collapse of the anti-Mongol military regime in Goryeo in 1258 and 1259, King Wonjong submitted to the Mongols, and Crown Prince Sim was sent to Khanbaliq as a hostage, rendering Goryeo a vassal state.^[7] In 1260, Kublai Khan assumed the title of Khagan, though his accession was disputed by his brother Ariq Böke and western Mongol khanates. Kublai established his dynastic capital at Khanbaliq (modern Beijing) in 1264 and proclaimed the Yuan dynasty in 1271.^[8] He replaced the earlier policy of military suppression of Goryeo with a conciliatory one, which is said to have aimed at securing Goryeo's cooperation in an invasion of Japan.^[9]

Japan at this time was governed by the Kamakura shogunate. Imperial power in Kyoto had been reduced to ceremonial functions, particularly after the shogunate's victory in the Jōkyū War of 1221.^[10] Executive authority lay with the Shikken (regents) of the Hōjō clan, who had wrested control of the shogunate from the shōgun Minamoto no Yoriie after his death in 1203. The main line of the Hōjō clan, the Tokusō, had centralized decision-making within private residential conclaves called yoriai, bypassing the formal shogunate council (Hyōjō) and the Kyoto imperial court. In 1268, eighteen-year-old Hōjō Tokimune assumed office as the eighth regent amidst domestic factionalism and regional defense responsibilities.^[11][12]

Mongol attention was also directed north of Japan. Between 1264 and 1308, Yuan forces conducted periodic amphibious campaigns against Sakhalin.^[13][14] These operations arose after the Nivkh (Gilemi) of the lower Amur River and northern Sakhalin, who had submitted to the Mongols in 1263, requested assistance against incursions by the Ainu (Quyi or Guwei).^[14] The crossing to Sakhalin in 1264 represented the earliest maritime expedition organized by the Mongol Empire.^[14] After the invasions of Japan, Yuan forces resumed northern assaults in 1284, 1285, and 1286, deploying around 10,000 troops.^[15][16][17] These expeditions sought to repel Ainu penetration into Mongol spheres rather than annex the Japanese main islands.^[18] The Yuan established an administrative redoubt called Guohuo at the southern tip of Sakhalin, which corresponds to the archaeological earthwork ruins of Shiranushi Castle.^[18] Modern historians suggest that the scale of Ainu resistance in Sakhalin may have involved support from the Andō clan, who governed northern Honshu and the Tsugaru Strait.^[19]

Diplomatic overtures (1266–1273)

The initial proposal for opening diplomatic relations between the Mongol court and Japan came in 1265 from a Goryeo official named Zhao Yi (趙彝).^[20] Hailing from Haman in southern Korea, Zhao was familiar with maritime trade and informed Kublai Khan that Japan maintained established laws and governance, had communicated with Chinese dynasties since the Han and Tang, and bordered Goryeo closely.^[21][22] Senior Yuan advisor Liu Xuan noted that establishing ties with Japan was also conceived as part of an economic and strategic encirclement of the Southern Song dynasty, which purchased Japanese timber, swords, and sulfur.^[23][24] European traveler Marco Polo recorded that Kublai was attracted by persistent rumors of Japan's boundless wealth in gold and precious stones.^[25][26] Southern Song loyalist Zheng Sixiao similarly observed that reports of Japan's riches provoked the Mongol ruler's desire to subjugate the islands.^[27]

In August 1266, Kublai Khan dispatched his first diplomatic mission, led by Heuk Chŭk (Hizur), an official of the Ministry of War, and Yin Hong, an official of the Ministry of Rites, carrying an imperial letter addressed to the King of Japan.^[20][28] Arriving in Goryeo in November 1266, the envoys were received by King Wonjong, who appointed Song Gunbi and Kim Chan to guide them.^[21][29] Fearing the enormous military and financial burdens that a conflict would impose on their country, the Goryeo guides took the mission only as far as Geoje Island in early 1267.^[30][31] Looking across the rough strait toward Tsushima, the Goryeo officials exaggerated the hazards of the sea and depicted the Japanese as fierce and uncultured, persuading the envoys to return to China.^[31][32] Kublai was incensed by this failure, rebuked Wonjong for disobeying strict orders, and compelled Goryeo to undertake a direct mission at its own expense.^[32][33]

In January 1268, a second mission headed by Goryeo envoy Pan Bu arrived at Dazaifu, the administrative headquarters of Kyushu.^[34] Pan Bu presented three documents to the Chinzei奉行 (Defense Commissioner of the West) Shōni Sukeyoshi: the official state letter from Kublai Khan, an accompanying letter from the King of Goryeo, and a dispatch from Pan Bu himself.^[34][35] The documents were forwarded to the shogunate in Kamakura, where Hōjō Tokimune had just taken office as regent, and then transmitted to Kyoto for review by the court of Retired Emperor Go-Saga.^[11][36] The Mongol state letter opened with the formula commissioned by Heaven and stated that while small neighboring states customarily sought friendly ties, Japan had failed to send tribute or emissaries since Kublai's accession.^[37] It highlighted Goryeo's vassalage, compared the relationship to that of father and son, and concluded with the warning: Who would care to appeal to arms? I hereby leave the matter to Your Highness's careful consideration.^[37] The formatting of the letter, elevating the titles of the Mongol Empire while subordinating the King of Japan, implied a demand for submission.^[38]

The Imperial Court engaged in prolonged debates, while the Kamakura shogunate viewed the correspondence as an ultimatum presaging invasion.^[36][39] Southern Song Zen monks residing in Kamakura are said to have offered advice and reports of Mongol brutality on the mainland.^[40] The shogunate instructed its vassals (gokenin) to prepare coastal defenses and advised the court not to respond.^[39] After waiting seven months at Dazaifu without receiving an answer, Pan Bu returned to Goryeo.^[41] In May 1268, without waiting for Pan Bu's mission to return, Kublai declared his intent to conquer both the Song and Japan and ordered Goryeo to build 1,000 warships able to carry 3,000 to 4,000 shi of rice.^[42][43] In October, he ordered military inspections of Korean forces and surveyed naval routes from Heuksan Island toward Japan.^[44]

In February 1269, Kublai sent Heuk Chŭk and Yin Hong on a third mission accompanied by Pan Bu and a total party of seventy-five.^[45][46][47] Landing on Tsushima, they were refused passage to mainland Japan. Following a skirmish with local inhabitants, the mission captured two islanders, named Tōjirō and Yajirō, and returned to China.^[48][49] Kublai received the two captives cordially in Dadu, presented them with gifts, and toured them through his imperial palaces, instructing them to inform their ruler that he desired tributary relations rather than devastation.^[50] In September 1269, a fourth mission, led by Goryeo officials Kim Yu-seong and Gao Rou, repatriated Tōjirō and Yajirō to Dazaifu, delivering dispatches from the Yuan Central Secretariat (Zhongshu Sheng) that explicitly demanded vassal submission.^{[47][51][52][53]}

The Kyoto court debated this demand and court scholar Sugawara no Naganari drafted a formal reply, the Daijōkan Chōan.^[52] The draft vigorously asserted Japanese independence, stating that Japan was a divine realm (shinkoku) whose sovereignty dated to the sun goddess Amaterasu and Emperor Kameyama, arguing that force could not alter its sacred nature, and questioning how an emperor claiming virtue could threaten carnage.^[52] Despite this preparation, the Kamakura shogunate concluded that no written reply should be delivered, and the envoys were dismissed empty-handed.^[47][54] In September 1271, emissaries from the Sambyeolcho, a Korean military force in rebellion against both the Goryeo court and the Mongols on Jindo, arrived in Japan pleading for an alliance and tens of thousands of troops.^[55][56] The court found their presence baffling and took no action; the Sambyeolcho rebellion was subsequently suppressed by Yuan and Goryeo forces in April 1273.^[57][58]

In late September 1271, a fifth mission arrived under the Jurchen official Zhao Liangbi, accompanied by more than one hundred personnel.^[59][60] To reinforce diplomatic pressure, Kublai concentrated troops under Qunmuchi, Wang Guochang, and Hong Dagu at Jinzhou in southern Korea.^[61] Zhao landed at Imazu in Hakata Bay and reached Dazaifu, demanding to travel to the capital.^[60][62] Japanese officials confined him to Dazaifu, prompting him to deliver copies of his credentials and issue a deadline for reply, warning that refusal could provoke military action.^[63] Dazaifu dispatched a small group of Japanese envoys to accompany Zhao back to Dadu in early 1272.^[60][64] The Yuan court suspected these Japanese envoys were spies assessing continental defenses and denied them an imperial audience, although Grand Councillor Antong placated them by claiming that Yuan troops in Jinzhou were stationed solely to fight the Sambyeolcho.^[60][65]

Zhao Liangbi returned to Japan on a sixth mission in late 1272, seeking a definitive treaty.^[66][67] According to contemporary accounts, Southern Song Zen monks in Japan, notably Qinglin, intervened to urge the Kamakura leadership to reject peace with the Yuan.^[68][69] Zhao was unable to travel beyond Dazaifu to Kyoto.^[70] Returning to Dadu in June 1273, he presented a detailed intelligence report on Japanese geography, government titles, provincial divisions, and customs.^[71] Irritated by Japanese defiance, Zhao nonetheless advised Kublai against military action, describing the Japanese as fierce, contentious, and indifferent to filial piety, while characterizing the islands as mountainous, infertile, and subject to perilous maritime winds.^[72][73] Kublai initially accepted Zhao's counsel, but soon reversed his decision following the fall of the Southern Song stronghold of Xiangyang in early 1273, which freed Yuan resources to initiate an amphibious campaign.^[73]

Japanese defensive measures and internal purges

Confronted by the prospect of an overseas invasion, Regent Hōjō Tokimune took aggressive steps to consolidate both political authority and coastal defense.^[74] In 1271, the shogunate ordered all eastern vassals (Tōgoku gokenin) who held proprietary estates in western Japan (Chinzei) to relocate to Kyushu and assume garrison duties under the regional military governors (shugo).^[74][75] This policy aimed to replace absentee landlords with combat-ready warriors, leading several eastern warrior houses, such as the Chiba clan of Hizen, to settle permanently in Kyushu.^[75] In 1272, Tokimune established the Foreign Defense Guard Service (Ikoku Keigoban-yaku), placing Shōni Sukeyoshi and Ōtomo Yoriyasu in overall command of the guard duty for the strategic points of Chikuzen and Hizen and the coast of Hakata.^[76]

Tokimune moved against potential rivals within his own family, and these killings have been assessed as part of a purge of possible opponents before the Mongol attack.^[77][78] In February 1272, he orchestrated the suppression known as the February Incident (Nigatsu Sōdō).^[77] Suspecting treason, shogunate forces in Kamakura executed Hōjō Noritoki and Hōjō Tokiaki, leaders of the rival Nagoe cadet branch who held military governorships in Kyushu.^[78] Although Tokiaki was posthumously cleared of wrongdoing and his killers executed, their Kyushu governorships were transferred directly to Tokimune's loyal Tokusō adherents.^[78] Simultaneously, Tokimune ordered the assassination in Kyoto of his older half-brother, Hōjō Tokisuke, the deputy of Rokuhara Tandai Minami, eliminating an elder claimant to clan leadership.^[77][79] Tokimune also suppressed outspoken religious critics; the Buddhist reformer Nichiren, who predicted foreign subjugation in his treatise Risshō Ankoku Ron while castigating traditional sects and government policy, was arrested and exiled to Sado Island in late 1271.^[80]

Japanese authorities also engaged in counter-intelligence. In July 1272, Goryeo pacification commissioner Cho Ja-il was discovered communicating secretly with a Japanese reconnaissance ship off the coast of Jinzhou.^[81] Fearing discovery by Yuan overseers, Cho dismissed the ship, but Yuan-appointed military supervisor Hong Dagu arrested him.^[81] Despite intercession by King Wonjong, Cho was tortured and executed on charges of colluding with Japan.^[81] In November 1273, Shōni Sukeyoshi mobilized land registers and warrior genealogies across Buzen, Chikuzen, Hizen, Iki, and Tsushima, requiring all resident warriors to submit rosters of personnel and armor to Dazaifu in preparation for mobilization.^[82]

First invasion preparations (1274)

In January 1274, Kublai Khan instructed General Hong Dagu to proceed to Goryeo and supervise the construction of an invasion armada.^[83] Hong was named general superintendent of shipbuilding and mobilized 30,500 artisans, shipwrights, and corvée laborers.^[83] The construction schedule was driven at breakneck speed, causing acute distress among the Korean populace.^[83][84] In June, Goryeo reported to the Yuan that it had finished building 300 warships and had 900 vessels of all sizes ready and moored at Jinzhou.^[85] The fleet comprised 300 large thousand-dan transports (qianliaozhou), 300 agile landing crafts termed batulu (抜都魯, meaning brave in Mongolian), and 300 water-supply and liaison tenders.^[84][86] A technician from Shandong named Qi Gongzhi assisted in design work before reassignment to southern China.^[84]

In May 1274, 15,000 Yuan army troops arrived in Goryeo to form the expedition's core.^[87] To solidify bilateral ties, Kublai married his daughter, Princess Qutuqu Kelmish, to Goryeo Crown Prince Sim.^[88] King Wonjong died in July, and Sim ascended the throne in August as King Chungnyeol, an ardent supporter of the Japanese expedition.^[89][90] The departure was delayed for three months due to Wonjong's funeral and logistical tardiness among Yuan commanders.^[89] The supreme command was entrusted to Mongol general Holdon (Qudu or Xindu) as marshal, flanked by Han Chinese general Liu Fuheng as left vice-marshal and Hong Dagu as right vice-marshal, while Korean forces were commanded by General Kim Bang-gyeong.^[91][92][93] The invasion force assembled at Happo (modern Masan) and totaled between 27,000 and 40,000 men, including 15,000 to 25,000 Mongol, Han Chinese, and Jurchen soldiers, 5,300 to 8,000 Korean troops, and roughly 7,000 Korean sailors.^[93][94]

First invasion: Bun'ei campaign (1274)

The expeditionary armada sailed from Happo on October 3, 1274 (November 2 in the Julian calendar).^[93] On October 5 (November 4), the fleet appeared off Tsushima Island.^[95] Around 1,000 troops landed at Komoda beach near Sasuura on the southern island of Shimojima, while subsidiary landings took place in Asō Bay and on Kamijima.^[95][96] Tsushima deputy governor (jitodai) Sō Sukekuni assembled an eighty-horse detachment to confront the invaders.^[95][97] Sukekuni dispatched interpreters to ascertain their intentions, but they were driven off by archers, and fighting commenced around 04:00.^[95][97] The defenders were overwhelmed; Sukekuni fell in battle, and the town of Sasuura was burned.^[95][97][98] Buddhist leader Nichiren later recorded contemporary reports alleging that the invaders killed the men, captured the women, pierced their palms with cordage to hang them from the hulls of their ships, and looted the countryside.^[99][100] Two messengers, Kotarō and Hyōejirō, escaped Tsushima on a skiff to alert Dazaifu.^[95]

On October 14 (November 13), Yuan vessels struck Iki Island.^[101][102] The island's governor, Taira no Kagetaka, made a desperate stand with roughly one hundred samurai and local levies at his stronghold.^[101][102] Realizing defeat was certain, Kagetaka dispatched a retainer named Sōzaburō on a secret passage to smuggle his daughter to the mainland; their boat was fired upon and the daughter killed, but Sōzaburō reached Hakata to deliver intelligence of the attack.^[101] Kagetaka led a final sortie of thirty-six men, suffered thirty casualties, and returned inside the keep to commit seppuku alongside his family.^[102][103] Korean annals record that commanders Park Ji-ryang and Jo Byeon crushed the garrison and killed over 1,000 Japanese combatants.^[104] On October 16 and 17, Yuan vessels raided the coastal islands of Matsura, Hirado, and Takashima in Hizen Province.^[105] Local warrior Sashi Fusashi and his three sons, Nao, Tomaru, and Isamu, mounted an armed resistance but were killed alongside hundreds of retainers.^[106][107]

Alerted by messengers, the shogunate mobilized the warrior clans of Kyushu under the strategic command of Shōni Kagesuke and Ōtomo Yoriyasu.^[108][109] Warriors from Satsuma, Ōsumi, and Hyūga rushed northward, facilitated by Kumashiro Yoshitada, who arranged temporary pontoon bridges over the difficult Chikugo River, an exploit for which he later received commendations from Tokimune.^[110] On October 20 (November 19), the Yuan fleet anchored in Hakata Bay and disembarked troops across Momodihara in Sawara District.^[111][112] The engagement that followed is known as the Battle of Bun'ei.^[113] Japanese defenders numbered roughly 3,000 to 6,000 men.^[114][115]

Fighting opened around 08:00.^[116] The Yuan army advanced in dense infantry formations screened by large shields, utilizing coordinated movements directed by gongs and drums.^[117][118] They deployed composite bows that released volleys of poisoned arrows, and fired explosive ceramic and iron bombs (tetsuhō) from catapults, which terrified Japanese horses and threw cavalry into disarray.^[117][119] When Japanese warriors stepped forward to announce their names and lineage in accordance with traditional single-combat customs, the invaders ignored them and attacked in massed bodies.^[119][120] At Akasaka, an elevated pinewoods area near Hakata, Higo samurai Kikuchi Takefusa executed an ambush against an advancing Yuan unit, routing them toward Sohara Hill and taking numerous heads.^[121][122]

The retreat from Akasaka precipitated the Battle of Torikaigata.^[121][123] Seeking combat glory, Higo samurai Takezaki Suenaga charged toward Sohara despite warnings from his retinue.^[123][124] Suenaga's horse foundered in tidal mud, and he and his retainers were wounded under an arrow barrage before being rescued by a countercharge led by Hizen samurai Shiraishi Michiyasu.^{[124][125][126]} Additional counterattacks by Fukuda Kaneshige, Togo Korechika, and Hida Nagamoto pushed the invaders back toward Momodihara and Meinohama.^{[111][127][128]} During the combat at Momodihara, Shōni Kagesuke loosed an arrow that struck Yuan left vice-marshal Liu Fuheng in the face, seriously wounding him and forcing his evacuation to the flagship.^{[129][130][131]}

By nightfall, the Yuan force had burned the merchant town of Hakata, and the Japanese withdrew inland to fortify Mizuki (Water Castle), a massive seventh-century earthwork rampart outside Dazaifu.^[132][133] Aboard the Yuan flagships, Holdon, Hong Dagu, and Kim Bang-gyeong convened a council of war.^[129][131] Kim Bang-gyeong argued for maintaining the bridgehead, citing classical military maxims that an expeditionary force deep in enemy territory fights with heightened resolve.^[131][134] Holdon and Hong Dagu demurred, noting that Sun Tzu warned that stubborn defense by a small, isolated force leads to capture by a larger foe, and pointed out that their ammunition was depleted, their troops exhausted, their vice-marshal disabled, and massive Japanese reinforcements imminent.^{[129][131][134]} Holdon ordered a full withdrawal to the ships.^[129][131]

During the night of October 20 to 21, the fleet re-embarked.^[116][131] While at sea or exiting Hakata Bay, the fleet encountered a severe gale and rough seas.^[131][135] Numerous vessels were driven against coastal cliffs and submerged, including the ship of Goryeo left-wing commander Kim Sin, who drowned.^[131] Around 130 soldiers were captured when a damaged ship grounded on Shikanoshima, and an estimated 150 dead washed ashore at Yukinose.^[116][136] Contemporary Korean accounts record that 13,500 men from the armada failed to return to Korea, while Japanese courtier Hirohashi Kanenaka noted in his diary (Kanchūki) that a sudden adverse wind had cleared the fleet from the bay.^{[135][137][138][139]} The surviving ships reached Happo on November 27.^[131][140]

Inter-war period (1275–1281)

Following the retreat of the 1274 armada, the Kamakura shogunate recognized that a second assault was inevitable.^[141] In March 1276, the shogunate formulated plans for a preemptive counter-invasion of Goryeo under Shōni Tsunesuke, ordering the assembly of coastal vessels, sailors, and warriors across western Japan.^[142] However, the ambitious plan was suspended due to inadequate naval resources and the prohibitive costs of constructing coastal fortifications at home.^[143] The shogunate redirected its energies into the construction of a massive stone defensive rampart, known as the Genkō Bōrui (元寇防塁) or Ishitsuidi, stretching over twenty kilometers along the shores of Hakata Bay from Imazu in the west to Kashii in the east.^[141][144]

The defensive wall was constructed between 1276 and 1277 through assigned labor levies imposed on landholders across northern Kyushu.^[141][144] The wall stood two to three meters high and had a base thickness exceeding two meters, featuring an earthen ramp on the landward side to permit cavalry to mount the summit and an exterior faced with vertical stone blocks, flanked by rows of sharpened wooden stakes (ran-gui) driven into the tidal sand and river mouths.^[141][144] The shogunate also institutionalized three-month rotational guard duties (Ikoku Keigoban-yaku) across Kyushu: warriors from Chikuzen and Higo served in spring, Hizen and Buzen in summer, Bungo and Chikugo in autumn, and Hyūga, Ōsumi, and Satsuma in winter.^[145]

In April 1275, Kublai Khan dispatched a seventh diplomatic mission, consisting of Mongol ambassador Du Shizhong, Han Chinese vice-envoy He Wenzhu, an interpreter named Xu Zan, a Uighur legal scholar named Chedru-ud-Din, and an attendant named Guo.^[146][147] They landed at Murotsu in Nagato Province and refused to leave without a reply.^[147] Tokimune had the delegation escorted under guard to Kamakura, where all five were beheaded at the Tatsunokuchi execution ground in September 1275.^[147][148] Prior to his execution, Du Shizhong composed a death poem on his garments referencing the Warring States diplomat Su Qin.^[147] Their graves remain preserved at Jōryū-ji temple in Fujisawa, Kanagawa Prefecture.^[149] In 1279, Kublai dispatched an eighth mission led by Zhou Fu and Luan Zhong, accompanied by Japanese Zen monk Gyōbō Ryōgo.^[150] Sent under the premise that the Southern Song had submitted and Japan should follow suit, they were summarily beheaded upon arrival at Hakata in June 1279.^[149][150]

In 1279, Yuan armies extinguished the final remnants of the Southern Song dynasty at the naval Battle of Yamen, giving Kublai control of the massive maritime resources and naval personnel of southern China.^[151][152] In early 1280, Kublai established the Branch Secretariat for Conquering the East (Zhengdong Xingzhongshusheng or Riben Xingsheng) to direct the conquest of Japan.^[153] Large-scale shipbuilding programs were decreed across Goryeo, Yangzhou, Hunan, Ganzhou, and Quanzhou.^[154] Muslim maritime official Pu Shougeng was tasked with building 200 ocean-going vessels, but petitioned that labor exhaustion made completion impossible, prompting Kublai to cancel that specific order.^[155] Ministers including Jia Juzhen, Xu Shilong, and Anggir remonstrated against the invasion, Jia Juzhen warning that the exhaustion of the people could lead to unrest and Anggir urging that the troops be stopped and the people allowed to rest, but Kublai did not heed them.^{[156][157][158]} The elder minister Wang Pan also advised against the invasion, which angered Kublai.^[158][159]

Second invasion: Kōan campaign (1281)

In the spring of 1281, Kublai Khan launched his second invasion, deploying two massive fleets designed to stage a coordinated rendezvous off Iki Island by June 15.^{[160][161][162]} The Eastern Route Army (Donglujun) mobilized in Goryeo, comprising 900 ships, 30,000 Mongol, Han Chinese, and Jurchen soldiers, and roughly 10,000 Korean combatants under Holdon, Hong Dagu, and Kim Bang-gyeong, supported by 17,000 Korean sailors.^{[163][164][165]} The Southern Route Army (Jiangnanjun) comprised 3,500 ships and approximately 100,000 former Southern Song troops and sailors under Right Vice-Chancellor Fan Wenhu, Left Vice-Chancellor Li Ting, and Commander Zhang Xi, setting sail from Ningbo and Dinghai.^{[160][163][166][167]} The initial supreme commander, Left Chancellor Arahan, fell ill and was replaced by Atakai, though Atakai did not sail with the main fleet, leaving operational command to Fan Wenhu.^{[160][167][168][169]}

The Eastern Route Army departed Happo on May 3, 1281 (May 22 in the Julian calendar).^[165][170] It attacked Tsushima on May 21, where local resistance killed Yuan commanders Kang Yan and Kang Saja.^[171][172] On May 26, the fleet assaulted Iki Island.^[173] Advancing ahead of the agreed timetable without waiting for the delayed Southern fleet, the Eastern commanders set sail for mainland Japan on June 23.^[170] A detachment of 300 ships attacked Nagato Province on western Honshu, as recorded in a Kyoto diary entry of June 14, but was driven off and forced to return to Iki.^{[170][174][175]} The main body appeared in Hakata Bay on June 23.^[170] Finding the coastal stone wall manned and impossible to breach, the fleet was unable to establish a mainland beachhead.^[144][176]

Blocked at Hakata, the Eastern Route Army occupied the tied-island of Shikanoshima and nearby Nokoshima on June 6.^[177][178] On the morning of June 8, Japanese forces mounted a synchronized dual assault by land across the Uminonakamichi sandspit and by sea using small boarding craft.^[179][180] Yuan officer Zhang Cheng directed crossbowmen from the vessels to repel the land assault, but Japanese forces breached their lines.^[178][180] Commander Hong Dagu abandoned his horse and narrowly escaped death when a Japanese warrior pursued him, saved only by a countercharge from his vanguard unit.^[180] At sea, Iyo samurai Kawano Michiari led daring boarding actions from two small boats, suffering arrow wounds to his shoulder and arm before slaying a prominent Mongol officer and taking senior prisoners.^[181][182] Other samurai, including Takezaki Suenaga and Fukuda Kaneshige, raided anchored Yuan ships, setting fires and severing rigging.^{[181][183][184]} The fighting on June 9 ended in another Japanese victory, after which the Eastern Route Army abandoned Shikanoshima and withdrew to Iki Island.^{[178][179][185]}

At Iki Island, the Eastern Route Army became paralyzed by a severe epidemic that claimed over 3,000 soldiers.^[186][187] Holdon and Hong Dagu raised the question of withdrawal, pointing out that the Southern fleet had not arrived by the June 15 rendezvous and that their ships were rotting and their provisions exhausted.^[161] Kim Bang-gyeong adamantly opposed withdrawal, arguing that one month of rations remained and that combined victory was assured once the Southern forces arrived.^[161] Meanwhile, on June 29 and July 2, Japanese forces led by the Shōni, Matsura, and Ryūzōji clans launched an amphibious counter-offensive on Iki Island.^{[188][189][190]} In fierce combat at Setoura, Ryūzōji Iekiyo distinguished himself, while the former shogunate commissioner Shōni Sukeyoshi was mortally wounded and his grandson Suketoki killed.^[190] Driven from Iki, the Eastern fleet sailed south toward Hirado to locate the Southern fleet.^[188][191]

The Southern Route Army had been delayed by logistical hurdles and disease, finally setting sail from Dinghai in late June.^[160][167] Instead of steering for Iki, Fan Wenhu shaped his course for Hirado, having acquired nautical charts indicating that Hirado provided sheltered anchorage near Dazaifu.^[167][192] The Southern vanguard reached Hirado in late June, where General Zhang Xi constructed fortified camps and anchored his vessels at wide intervals of fifty paces to prevent collisions during squalls.^[193] Between mid-July and July 27, the Southern Route Army left 4,000 men under Zhang Xi to hold Hirado and moved its main force to Takashima, where the Eastern Route Army arrived and joined it.^{[193][194][195][196][197][198]} On July 27, a flotilla of Japanese coastal craft attacked the armada off Takashima, fighting a ferocious running battle from daytime until dawn.^[195] Yuan commander Qutuqas was killed, and the invaders lashed their ships together with iron chains and wooden planks, mounting catapults and ballistas to create floating fortresses.^{[198][199][200]}

On August 15 (the night of the 30th day of the 7th lunar month), a great typhoon struck the Yuan fleet from the west.^{[194][201][202]} The storm battered the crowded armada for two consecutive days.^[199] Contemporary chronicler Zhou Mi recorded in Guixin Zhashi that monstrous waves dashed vessels against one another, shattering hulls and throwing tens of thousands of armor-clad men into the sea.^[199][203] While rivercraft and flat-bottomed transports from southern China suffered structural failure, the sturdier V-hulled Goryeo vessels and Zhang Xi's dispersed ships weathered the storm with significantly fewer losses.^{[193][204][205]} General Li Ting reached shore clinging to wreckage, and several officers drowned, including Goryeo prince Ara Temür.^[206][207]

On August 19 (the 5th day of the intercalary 7th month), Fan Wenhu, Li Ting, and other senior commanders held a council of war.^[193] Commander Zhang Xi urged that the surviving troops, who were seasoned warriors, should press forward into the interior to seize supplies.^[193] Fan Wenhu refused, declaring that he would shoulder the blame before the emperor, requisitioned the sturdiest intact vessels, cast off, and fled back to the continent, leaving over 100,000 soldiers stranded on Takashima without provisions or transport.^{[193][196][208]} Zhang Xi cast his seventy horses ashore to evacuate his 4,000 men, later winning imperial praise for not abandoning his subordinates.^[193] On August 19, Japanese coastal flotillas engaged and captured retreating vessels in the Battle of Mikuriya Sea.^[209][210]

On August 21 (the 7th day of the intercalary 7th month), Japanese forces led by the Shōni, Ōtomo, Shimazu, and Fukuda clans launched a comprehensive amphibious assault against the stranded Yuan forces on Takashima.^[196][211] Samurai stormed ashore at Higashihama and Funabaru, slaughtering the disorganized defenders and capturing between 20,000 and 30,000 prisoners.^[196][212] The captives were transported to Hakata; there, according to the History of Yuan, all Mongols, Jurchens, Koreans, and northern Han Chinese were systematically executed, while southern Chinese (ex-Song subjects) were spared execution but condemned to slavery.^[196] Only three Chinese survivors, Yu Chang, Mo Qing, and Wu Wanwu, eventually made their way back to China to report the catastrophe.^[196] Korean records note that out of 26,989 Goryeo personnel embarked with the Eastern fleet, 19,397 returned, leaving 7,592 dead.^[213][214] Overall invasion casualties were estimated between 60 and 90 percent.^[215]

Marco Polo's account

The Venetian traveler Marco Polo, who resided in China during Kublai Khan's reign, provided the earliest written account of the invasions in Europe in his Description of the World.^[25][216] Polo referred to Japan as Zipangu, an island situated roughly 1,500 miles off the Asian mainland, inhabited by fair-skinned, courteous people who adhered to idol worship.^[25] He described the imperial palace as roofed in solid gold and paved with gold tiles two inches thick, embellished with large quantities of pearls and gems, which he cited as the primary incentive for Kublai Khan's expedition.^[25][217] Polo attributed the supreme command of the invasion to two generals, Abatan (Arahan) and Vonsancin (Fan Wenhu).^[25]

Polo recounted that the fleet crossed from Quanzhou and Hangzhou, landing to take coastal villages but failing to capture cities or fortified keeps.^[25] A savage northern gale arose, prompting the troops to embark to save the ships; when the fleet attempted to put out to sea, vast numbers of vessels collided and were wrecked on an offshore islet, leaving 30,000 survivors stranded without supplies.^[218] Polo recorded that the two commanding generals hated and envied each other, and that the general who escaped the storm did not go to the rescue of his colleague stranded on the islet. Polo claimed that the Japanese king went with all the ships of the island to attack the stranded troops, but the invaders feigned flight, boarded the unguarded Japanese ships, sailed to the main island, and advanced under the Japanese king's banners, so that the defenders of the capital let them in. According to Polo, the invaders were then besieged in the capital for seven months until they surrendered, on condition that their lives be spared and that they never leave the island. Polo also alleged that eight defenders possessed magical stones embedded in their arms making them invulnerable to iron blades, forcing the Mongols to beat them to death with wooden clubs.^[219]

Third invasion plans and subsequent diplomacy (1282–1299)

Immediately following the 1281 disaster, the Kamakura shogunate anticipated a third attack and drafted a plan for an offensive expedition against Goryeo in 1282, but domestic impoverishment prevented its implementation.^[220][221] Although the Yuan abolished its Japan expedition headquarters in January 1282, Kublai did not give up on invading Japan and planned a new invasion.^[222][223] In September 1282, he ordered the construction of 3,000 new warships across Pingluan, Goryeo, Tamna, and Quanzhou, prompting widespread deforestation in northern China and Korea.^[224][225] In January 1283, he re-established the Zhengdong Secretariat under Atakai, appointing Liu Guojie and Cherik-Temür to organize river-training exercises for 12,000 elite troops and recruit convicts.^{[226][227][228]} However, severe banditry and widespread peasant uprisings erupted across Jiangnan due to excessive shipbuilding exactions, including a major rebellion of 100,000 people in Fujian led by Huang Hua, forcing the Yuan court to divert invasion forces to quell domestic revolts.^{[229][230][231]} Kublai rejected remonstrances from Cui Yu and Anggir, but in May 1283 he changed his mind and suspended the invasion that had been planned for August.^{[226][232][233]}

Concurrently, Kublai dispatched a ninth diplomatic mission in August 1283, led by Wang Junzhi and the Buddhist abbot Ruzhi of Putuo Temple, carrying an imperial letter offering peace if Japan submitted.^[234][235] The envoys encountered a storm at sea and failed to reach Japan.^[234] In October 1284, a tenth mission was dispatched under Wang Jiyong and Ruzhi; when their ship reached Tsushima, fearful sailors mutinied, killed Wang Jiyong, and aborted the voyage.^[234][236] Between 1284 and 1285, Kublai made renewed preparations for a third campaign, designing an armada to concentrate at Happo in 1286 supported by 50 Muslim trebuchet (Huihui pao) engineers and one million bushels of grain.^{[237][238][239]} However, in January 1286, faced with acute economic distress in southern China and escalating warfare in Vietnam against the Tran dynasty and Champa, Kublai permanently canceled the expedition after Minister of Rites Liu Xuan pointed out the difficulty of amphibious supply lines.^{[240][241][242]}

Subsequent northern rebellions by Mongol princes Nayan and Qadaan between 1287 and 1291 further consumed Yuan military attention.^[243][244] In 1292, Kublai briefly considered a revived proposal by King Chungnyeol to construct 150 ships for a third invasion, but Goryeo's timber resources were exhausted and the plan lapsed.^[204][245] Kublai dispatched an eleventh informal message via merchant ships in 1292, followed by a twelfth embassy under Goryeo envoy Kim Yu-seong escorting castaways; Kim was arrested upon landing and held in Kamakura until his death in 1307.^{[246][247][248]} Following Kublai's death in 1294, his successor Temür Khan formally rejected all proposals to invade Japan.^[245][249] In 1299, Temür dispatched the thirteenth and final Yuan mission, headed by the distinguished Chan Buddhist prelate Yishan Yining (Issan Ichinei).^[250] Arrested upon arrival by Regent Hōjō Sadatoki and confined to Shuzen-ji in Izu, Yishan was eventually released due to his spiritual erudition, becoming abbot of Kenchō-ji in Kamakura and Nanzen-ji in Kyoto, where he profoundly influenced Japanese Zen culture until his death in 1317.^[251]

Military tactics and technology

The Mongol invasions constituted one of the earliest deployments of gunpowder weaponry in warfare outside China.^[252] The Yuan forces employed spherical cast-iron and ceramic explosive shells known as zhentianlei (thunder crash bombs) or tetsuhō (iron bombs).^[252][253] These weapons measured sixteen to twenty centimeters in diameter, weighed between four and ten kilograms, and were loaded with high-nitrate gunpowder, scrap iron, and ceramic fragments.^[254][255] Fired from catapults or thrown by hand, their thundering explosions blinded, deafened, and confused defending warriors and frightened their horses.^{[117][119][120][252]} In 2001, underwater archaeologists from the Kyushu Okinawa Society for Underwater Archaeology excavated two intact ceramic tetsuhō shells from the seabed of the Takashima Kozaki site in Nagasaki Prefecture; laboratory X-rays confirmed the presence of residual gunpowder and interior scrap iron fragments.^[254][255] Literary sources, such as the Nihon Kokujokushi and Hachiman Gudōkun, also make contentious references to fire tubes (huo tong) or proto-cannons, though archaeological validation remains confined to explosive bombs and catapult projectiles.^[256][257]

Tactical doctrine differed significantly between the combatants. Traditional samurai warfare prioritized individual prestige, ritual declarations of ancestry, mounted archery, and small retinue maneuvers.^{[117][119][120]} In contrast, the Yuan forces operated as coordinated, professional combined-arms units, advancing in tight shield phalanxes, deploying dense polearms, and maneuvering under drum, gong, and flag signals.^{[117][118][119]} However, modern historical analysis of the Mōko Shūrai Ekotoba and warrior petitions demonstrates that Japanese commanders, including Shōni Kagesuke, organized collective cavalry formations, coordinated massed archery, and executed disciplined charges, rather than relying exclusively on individual combat.^{[109][258][259]} Contemporary Yuan scholar Wang Yun noted in Fan Hai Xiao Lu that Japanese warriors deployed robust, gold-inlaid armor, lacked pikes, fought in tight cavalry knots, displayed utter contempt for death, and wielded long, razor-sharp swords that cut through heavy defenses.^[258][260]

The Japanese yumi was a longbow that could be shot from horseback.^[260][261] Conversely, the Yuan forces used short bows.^[262] While the composite bow possessed superior tensile draw weight and rapid-fire capability, releasing showers of poisoned arrows, contemporary Chinese records noted that Japanese wooden bows had superior length but shorter effective range.^[258][262]

The Mongol invasions facilitated a change in the design of Japanese swords.^[263] During the Bun'ei campaign, many traditional slender tachi broke, bent, or chipped when striking the thick boiled-leather and iron-plated armor of Mongol and Jurchen soldiers.^[263] In response, swordsmiths of the emerging Sōshū school in Kamakura, epitomized by master smith Masamune and his predecessors, revolutionized metallurgy.^[263][264] They perfected the composite forging of alternating layers of high-carbon hard steel and low-carbon soft steel, allowing blades to absorb severe concussive shock without snapping.^[263] The Sōshū smiths widened the blade, flattened its cross-section, reduced the curvature, and broadened the tip (ō-kissaki), creating a durable weapon capable of slicing through heavy armor, which established the prototypical design that eventually transitioned into the classic katana.^[263][264]

Consequences and historical significance

In Japan, while the defense successfully preserved national independence, the financial and institutional aftermath proved disastrous for the Kamakura shogunate.^{[265][266][267]} Under shogunate feudal custom, warriors expected grants of confiscated enemy estates (gō-on) as compensation for their combat services and expenses.^[267][268] Because this had been a defensive war fought on home territory, the shogunate gained no conquered lands to redistribute.^[265][269] Only about 120 samurai received material compensation, leaving thousands deeply impoverished and burdened by debts incurred from equipping themselves and maintaining perpetual guard duty in Kyushu.^[265][269] To ease this distress, the shogunate issued the Tokuseirei debt cancellation edict in 1297, which ordered creditors to return pawned warrior lands without compensation.^[269] Wary of such edicts, merchants became very reluctant to lend to warriors, leaving many in financial difficulty; as the warrior class declined, the newly rising akutō became more active and distrust of the shogunate spread among its vassals, which became one of the remote causes of the shogunate's fall, and Emperor Go-Daigo overthrew it in 1333.^[270][271]

The prolonged mobilization and social disruption accelerated significant structural transformations in Japanese society.^[270] One view links the shogunate's growing policy of restricting and prohibiting women's landholding to the need to maintain the foreign defense system, and this policy is regarded as part of the background to the later single-heir patrilineal inheritance and the loss of women's property rights.^[270] Religiously, the timely arrival of the typhoons fostered the enduring belief that Japan was a protected land of the gods (shinkoku) guarded by heavenly winds (kamikaze).^{[272][273][274]} Major shrines and temples asserted that their rituals had mobilized the kami and buddhas, submitting military service petitions (gunchūjō) to claim land endowments.^[275][276] Nichiren took the invasions as the fulfilment of the foreign invasion he had predicted in Risshō Ankoku Ron, and one view holds that the tension of the Mongol threat lay behind the fervor of Ippen's dancing nembutsu.^[277]

For the Yuan dynasty and Goryeo, the campaigns inflicted crippling maritime and economic losses.^[278][279] Goryeo's agricultural economy was devastated, its peasantry was starved by labor drafts, and its forests were denuded to construct thousands of hulls, leaving its coastlines vulnerable.^{[279][280][281]} The destruction of Yuan naval dominance permitted lawless armed merchantmen and pirates, the early Wokou, to expand raids along the Korean and Chinese coasts.^{[278][281][282]} In response, the Yuan dynasty instituted closed-border policies (haijin), abolishing the Maritime Trade Bureau in 1304 to bar private overseas voyages.^[283] In China, the memory of Japanese military ferocity and hazardous sea crossings endured; although emperors of the subsequent Ming dynasty discussed punitive expeditions against Japan on three occasions, fear of repeating the Yuan catastrophes led them to abandon all invasion plans.^{[284][285][286][287]}

Archaeological discoveries

Beginning in the late twentieth century, underwater and coastal archaeology significantly expanded historical understanding of the invasions. Off the southern coast of Takashima Island in Nagasaki Prefecture, maritime surveys conducted by the Kyushu Okinawa Society for Underwater Archaeology and the Takashima Education Board located extensive underwater debris fields containing weaponry, personal equipment, and vessel timbers.^[254][288] Among the notable artifacts recovered was a cast-bronze officer's seal, the Guan Jun Zongba Yin (管軍總把印), discovered in 1994, inscribed with 'Department of Rites of the Central Secretariat, 9th Month, 14th Year of Zhiyuan' (1277) in Chinese characters on its reverse and engraved with Phags-pa script on its face.^[288] Large stone anchors with wooden shanks, some exceeding two meters in length and indicating warships up to forty meters long, were also recovered from the seabed.^[289]

In October 2011, a research team led by Professor Yoshifumi Ikeda of the University of Ryukyus announced the discovery of a well-preserved hull section of an invasion warship buried beneath the seabed at the Takashima Kozaki site.^[290][291] In October 2014, a second hull was identified roughly 1.7 kilometers east of the first wreck.^[292] Excavations revealed that the hull planks were fastened with iron nails, partitioned into nine watertight compartments, and reinforced with a double-planked outer shell, refuting the long-held hypothesis that the ships had been deliberately constructed with shoddy craftsmanship.^[290][292] Ceramic storage jars, stoneware bowls manufactured in Jiangnan kilns, and explosive bombs were recovered around the keels.^[292] In answer to a question in the House of Councillors, the government stated that the Agency for Cultural Affairs was preparing to designate the ship as a cultural property.^[293] The waters off eastern Takashima where the Yuan warship was found were later designated a national historic site as the Takashima Kōzaki site, becoming Japan's first underwater site with this status.^[293]

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15. 『元史』巻十三 本紀第十三 世祖十 至元二十一年十月辛酉の条「辛酉、征東招討司以兵征骨嵬。」
16. 『元史』巻十三 本紀第十三 世祖十 至元二十二年十月乙巳の条「詔征東招討使塔塔兒帶、楊兀魯帶以萬人征骨嵬。」
17. 『元史』巻十四 本紀第十四 世祖十一 至元二十三年十月己酉の条「己酉、遣塔塔兒帶、楊兀魯帶以兵萬人、船千艘征骨嵬。」
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30. 新井2007「蒙古襲来」, pp. 21-22
31. 『高麗史』巻二十六 世家二十六 元宗二 元宗八年 正月の条「元宗八年 春正月、宋君斐金贊與蒙使、至巨濟松邊浦、畏風濤之險遂還、王又令君斐随黑的如蒙古、奏曰、詔旨所湯喩、道達使臣、通好日本事、謹遣陪臣宋君斐等、伴使臣以往、至巨濟縣、遥望對馬島、見大洋萬里風濤蹴天、意謂危險若此、安可奉上國使臣、冒險輕進、雖至對馬島、彼俗頑獷無禮義、設有不軌、將如之何、是以與倶而還、且日本素與小邦未嘗通好、但對馬人、時因貿易、往來金州耳、小邦、自陛下即祚以來、深蒙仁恤、三十年兵革之餘、稍得蘇息、緜緜存喘、聖恩天大、誓欲報効、如有可為之勢、而不盡心力、有如天日。」
32. 『高麗史』巻二十六 世家二十六 元宗二 元宗八年八月丙辰朔（一日）の条「八月丙辰朔、黑的殷弘及宋君斐等復來、帝喩曰、向者遣使招懷日本、委卿嚮導、不意、卿以辭爲解、遂令徒還、意者日本既通好、則必盡知爾國虛實、故托以他辭、然爾國人在京師者不少、卿之計亦疎矣、且天命難諶、人道貴誠、卿先後食言多矣、宣自省焉、今日本之事、一委於卿、卿其體朕此意、通諭日本、以必得要領爲期、卿嘗有言、聖恩天大、誓欲報効、此非報效而何。」
33. 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 日本國「四年六月、帝謂王禃以辭爲解、令去使徒還、復遣黑的等至高麗諭禃、委以日本事、以必得其要領爲期、禃以爲、海道險阻、不可辱天使、九月、遣其起居舍人潘阜等持書往日本、留六月、亦不得其要領而歸。」
34. 『五代帝王物語』亀山院「（文永五年）閏正月十五日又舞御覽あり。一院御幸なる。麗しき御賀の儀いかばかりの事にてかあらんずらむとおぼえしに。蒙古國とかやより牒状を奉る。高麗の牒を相副たり。宰府よりまづ關東へつげて。關東より二月六日牒状をまいらせたり。是によりて御賀止めらる。公私本意なき御事也。蒙古國もとは契丹の所屬韃靼國也。年比契丹國以下の近邊の諸國を打とる。太宋國も、三百餘州のうち大略みなうちとられて。わづかに六十餘州殘れり。高麗も同せめおとされて。臣として蒙古の朝につかふるよし牒状にも載たり。牒使には趙良弼と云者渡れり。高麗の使を副たり。牒状二通あり。一通は高麗の牒也。蒙古状は文永三年丙寅九月の状也。至元三年と載たり。高麗國。同彼年號をうけて至元となせり。去年八月の牒也。數多の方物を相副て。正月一日大宰府に着たり。是によりて官外記以下の勘文をめされて仗儀を行る。又仙洞の評定あり。」（塙保己一編『群書類従』第三輯 帝王部 巻第三十七 続群書類従完成会 1960年 448頁）
35. 東大寺宗性筆の『調伏異朝怨敵抄』に「蒙古国牒状」に続いて記載されている。「高麗国王王稙 右啓、季秋向闌、伏惟大王殿下、起居万福、瞻企瞻企、我國臣事 蒙古大朝、稟正朔有年于 茲矣、皇帝仁明、以天下爲一家、視遠如迩、日月所照、咸仰其徳化、今欲通好于貴國、而詔寡人云、皇帝仁明、以天下為一家、視遠如邇、日月所照、咸仰其徳化。今欲通好于貴国、而詔寡人云、『海東諸国、日本与高麓為近隣、典章政理、有足嘉者。漢唐而下、亦或通使中国。故遣書以往。勿以風涛険阻為辞。』其旨厳切。茲不獲己、遣朝散大夫尚書礼部侍郎潘阜等、奉皇帝書前去。且貴国之通好中国、無代無之。況今皇帝之欲通好貴国者、非利其貢献。但以無外之名高於天下耳。若得貴国之報音、則必厚待之、其実興否、既通而後当可知矣、其遣一介之使以往観之何如也。惟貴国商酌焉。」『鎌倉遺文』9770号、竹内理三 編『鎌倉遺文』（古文書編、第13巻 古文書編13巻 自文永2年 (1265) - 至文永5年 (1268)、東京堂出版、1985年、285頁。平岡定海『東大寺宗性上人之研究並史料』（中）・（下）、臨川書店、1959-1260年、（中）図2-4、（下）1-2頁。東大寺宗性によって『調伏異朝怨敵抄』に蒙古国牒状、高麗牒状、潘阜書状の3通が書写され現存。
36. 近衛基平『深心院関白記』文永五年二月条「（二月）七日、戊子（中略）晴、東使今日向相國禪門北山亭云々、異國間事也、八日、己丑（中略）天晴、早旦以敕書有召、仍參院、今日異國事可有評定云々、牒状、高麗取進蒙古國牒也、仍其牒二通也、稱講和親之儀、委見牒状、此事國家珍事大事也、萬人驚歟之外無他、前博陸兩人參向其座、無骨、仍餘參内、入夜又歸參院也、（中略）十日、辛卯（中略）晴（中略）依昨召參院、異國事返牒有否有沙汰、前博陸兩人參、然而餘對座居也、如此重事不參之條、不可然之故也、子細不盡翰墨也、」（『岡屋関白記・深心院関白記・後知足院関白記』陽明叢書 記録文書篇 第二輯 思文閣出版 1984年 144〜145頁）
37. Turnbull 2010, p. 14. (Turnbull, Stephen (2010). The Mongol Invasions of Japan 1274 and 1281. Osprey.)
38. 村井章介『北条時宗と蒙古襲来-時代・世界・個人を読む』日本放送出版協会 2001年 66頁
39. 『○新式目』関東御教書「一 蒙古国事 蒙古人挿凶心、可伺本朝之由、近日所進牒使也、早可用心之旨、可被相触讃岐國御家人等状、依仰執達如件、文永五年二月廿七日 駿河守殿（北条有時？） 相模守（北条時宗）左京権大夫（北条政村）」（竹内理三編『鎌倉遺文』古文書編 第十三巻 東京堂出版 九八八三号）
40. 新井2007, p25
41. 『高麗史』巻二十六 世家二十六 元宗二 元宗九年秋七月丁卯（十八日）の条「秋七月丁卯、起居舍人潘阜、還自日本、遣閣門使孫世貞郎將呉惟碩等、如蒙古賀節日、又遣潘阜偕行、上書曰、向詔臣、以宣諭日本、臣即差陪臣潘阜、奉皇帝璽書、幷齎臣書及國贐、以前年九月二十三日、發船而往、至今年七月十八日、回來云、自到彼境、便不納王都、留置西偏大宰府者凡五月、館待甚薄、授以詔旨、而無報章、又贈國贐、多方告諭、竟不聽、逼而送之、以故不得要領而還、未副聖慮、惶懼實深、輒玆差充陪臣潘阜等、以奏。」
42. 『高麗史』巻一百二 列伝十五 李蔵用 元宗九年五月二十九日の条「又勑藏用曰、爾還爾國、速奏軍額、不爾將討之、爾等不知出軍將討何國、朕欲討宋與日本耳、今朕視爾國猶一家、爾國若有難、朕安敢不救乎、朕征不庭之國、爾國出師助戰亦其分也、爾歸語王、造戰艦一千艘、可載米三四千石者、藏用對曰、敢不承命、但督之、則雖有船材、恐不及也、」
43. 『高麗史』卷一百二 列伝十五 李藏用
44. 『高麗史』巻二十六 世家二十六 元宗二 元宗九年（十月）庚寅（十三日）の条「庚寅、蒙古遣明威將軍都統領脱朶兒武徳將軍統領王國昌武略將軍副統領劉傑等十四人來、詔曰、卿遣崔東秀來奏、備兵一萬造船一千隻事、今特遣脱朶兒等、就彼整閲軍敷、點視舟艦、其所造船隻、聽去官指晝、如耽羅已與造船之役、不必煩重、如其不與、即令別造百艘、其軍兵船隻、整點足備、或南宋或日本、逆命征討、臨時制宣、仍差去官先行、相視黑山日本道路、卿亦差官、護送道達。」
45. Turnbull 2010, p. 13. (Turnbull, Stephen (2010). The Mongol Invasions of Japan 1274 and 1281. Osprey.)
46. 『高麗史』巻二十六 世家二十六 元宗二 元宗九年（十二月）庚辰（四日）の条「庚辰、知門下省事申思佺侍郎陳子厚起居舍人潘阜、偕黑的殷弘如日本。」
47. 『蒙古来使記録』＜○賜芦文庫古文書所収称名寺文書>「文永六-二-十六-蒙古高麗使等渡海事＜蒙古人官人三人＜同從人五人、＞高麗人六十七人船四艘着對馬嶋豐岐浦云々＞ 同二-廿二日馳申了、同三-十三-評定了、同二-廿四日、逃歸本審事（畢カ）云云、文永六年-十-十七-、蒙古牒一通、高麗牒一通持之、牒使二人、令着對馬嶋之由申之云々、彼至元六-六-日、而如院宣者、通好之義、准唐漢之例、不可及子細、但彼國與我國、自昔無宿意、用兵之條、甚以不義之旨、可被遣返牒也、且草者可長成卿之由、諸卿評 定之由云々、而關東評定了、先度牒使來朝之時、不可返牒之由、」（竹内理三編『鎌倉遺文』古文書編 第十四巻 東京堂出版 一〇三八〇号）
48. 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 日本國「五年九月、命黑的、弘復持書往、至對馬島、日本人拒而不納、執其塔二郎、彌二郎二人而還。」
49. 『五代帝王物語』亀山院「（文永）同六年蒙古使高麗の舟にのりて又對馬國に着く。去年の返牒なきによりて。左右きかんため也。不慮の喧嘩いできて。歸國の間。對馬の二人とられて高麗へ渡る。高麗より蒙古へつかはしたれば。王宮へ召入て見て。種々の祿をとらせて。本朝へ返送。是に付て又牒状有。」（塙保己一編『群書類従』第三輯 帝王部 巻第三十七 続群書類従完成会 1960年 449頁）
50. 『高麗史』巻二十六 世家二十六 元宗二 元宗十年（七月）甲子（二十一日）の条「甲子、蒙古使于婁大于琔等六人、偕倭人來、淐出迎于郊、初申思佺與倭人謁帝、帝大喜曰、爾國王祗稟朕命、使爾等往日本、爾等不以險阻爲辭、入不測之地、生還復命、忠節可嘉、厚賜匹帛、以至從卒、又謂倭人曰、爾國朝覲中國、其來尚矣、今朕欲爾國之來朝、非以逼汝也、但欲垂名於後耳、賚予甚稠、勑令觀覽宮殿、既而倭人奏云、臣等聞有天堂佛刹、正謂是也、帝悦、又使徧觀燕京萬壽山玉殿與諸城闕。」
51. 『関東評定衆伝』文永六年条「九月、蒙古高麗重牒状到來。牒使金有成。高柔二人也。還對馬嶋人答二郎。彌二郎。高柔依靈夢獻所持毛冠於安樂寺。即敍其由呈詩。」（『群書類従』第四輯 補任部 巻第四十九 続群書類従完成会 1960年 318頁）
52. 『太政官返牒』＜○本朝文集六十七＞「贈蒙古國中書省牒 菅原長成 日本國太政官牒 蒙古國中書省 附高麗國使人牒送、牒、得大宰府去年九月二十四日解状、去十七日申時、異國船一隻、來着對馬嶋伊奈浦、依例令存問來由之處、高麗國使人參來也、仍相副彼國幷蒙古國牒、言上如件者、就解状案事情、蒙古之號、于今未聞、尺素無脛初來、寸丹非面僅察、原漢唐以降之蹤、觀使介往還之道、緬依内外典籍之通義、雖成風俗融化之好禮、外交中絶、驪遷翰轉、粤傳郷信、忽請隣睦、當斯節次、不得根究、然而呈上之命、縁底不容、音問縱雲霧萬里之西巡、心夐忘胡越一體之前言、抑貴國曽無人物之通、本朝何有好惡之便、不顧由緒、欲用凶器、和風再報、疑冰猶厚、聖人之書、釋氏之教、以濟生爲素懷、以奪命爲黒業、何稱帝徳仁義之境、還開民庶殺傷之源乎、凡自天照皇大神耀天統、至日本今皇帝（亀山天皇）受日嗣、聖明所覃、莫不屬左廟右稷之靈、得一無貳之盟、百王之鎭護孔昭、四夷之脩靖無紊、故以皇土永號神國、非可以智競、非可以力爭、難以一二、乞也思量、左大臣（藤原家経）宣、奉敕、彼到着之使、定留于對馬嶋、此丹青之信、宣傳自高麗國者、今以状、牒到准状、故牒、文永七年正月 日」（竹内理三編『鎌倉遺文』古文書編 第十四巻 東京堂出版 一〇五七一号）
53. 張東翼 2005. (張東翼「一二六九年「大蒙古国」中書省の牒と日本側の対応」『史學雜誌』第114巻第8号、財団法人史学会、2005年8月20日、一三八七-一四〇八、NAID 110002366418。)
54. 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 日本國「六年六月、命高麗金有成送還執者、俾中書省牒其國、亦不報。有成留其太宰府守護所者久之。」
55. 吉田経長『吉続記』九月二日・四日条「二日癸亥 晴、參内、關東使隨身高麗牒状、向西園寺大納言許（高麗牒状到來事、）亞相參院申入云々、（中略）四日 晴、不出仕、件牒状趣、蒙古兵可來責日本、又乞糶、此外乞救兵歟、就状了見區分、」（笹川臨風、矢野太郎校訂『史料大成 第23巻 吉記二・吉続記』内外書籍 1935年 293頁）
56. 『高麗牒状不審条々』「一、以前状文永五年揚蒙古之徳、今度状文永八年韋毳無遠慮云々、如何、一、文永五年状書年號、今度不書年號事、一、以前状、歸蒙古之徳、成君臣之禮云々、今状、遷宅江華近四十年、被髮左衽聖賢所惡、仍又遷都珍島事、一、今度状、端ニハ不從成戰之思成、奧ニハ爲蒙被使云々、前後相違如何、一、漂風人護送事、一、屯金海府之兵、先廿餘人送日本國事、一、我本朝統合三韓事、一、安寧社稷待天時事、一、請胡騎數萬兵事、一、達兇旒許垂寛宥事、一、奉贄事、一、貴朝遣使問訊事、」（歴史学研究会、村井章介編集『日本史史料〈2〉中世』岩波書店 1998年3月） この三別抄からの書状については『吉続記』文永8年9月2日条とその対応を伝える同9月4日条の記述しか窺い知るしかなかったが、その「牒状」についての不審点を箇条書きしたメモ「高麗牒状不審条々」が1977年に東京大学資料編纂所で石井正敏によって発見された。三別抄からの書状の本文ではないが、「条々」で上げられている内容の検討から、この書状は高麗国王・元宗からのものについてではなく、珍島に拠点を移していた三別抄が出した書状についてであった。石井正敏「文永八年来日の高麗使について--三別抄の日本通交史料の紹介」『東京大学史料編纂所報』12号, pp. 1-7+図巻頭1p, 1977年。
57. 『高麗史』巻二十七 世家二十七 元宗三 元宗十四年四月庚戌の条「庚戌、金方慶與忻都茶丘等、以全羅道一百六十艘水陸兵一萬餘人、至耽羅與賊戰、殺獲甚衆、賊衆大潰斬、金元允等六人分處降者一千三百餘、」
58. 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 耽羅「十年正月、命經略使忻都、史枢及洪茶丘等率捕船大小百有八艘、討耽羅賊党、」
59. 『五代帝王物語』亀山院「同（文永）八年九月十九日筑前國今津に異國人趙良弼を始として百餘人來朝の間。軍船と心得て宰府さはぎけれども。其儀はなくて是も蝶状也。但辛櫃に納て金鎖を指て王宮へ持參して帝王に獻れ。それ叶はずば時の將軍に傳えて參らすべし。其儀もなくば持て歸べき由王敕を承たれば。手をはなつべからずとて。案を書て出したり。是も返蝶に及ず。此國後は大元國と號す。威徳のまさるに從て名を改とかや。されば始終いかなるべきにかと恐しく覺侍。」（塙保己一編『群書類従』第三輯 帝王部 巻第三十七 続群書類従完成会 1960年 449頁）
60. 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 日本國「九年二月、樞密院臣言、奉使日本趙良弼遣書狀官張鐸來言、去歲九月、與日本國人彌四郎等至太宰府西守護所、守者云、曩為高麗所紿、屢言上國來伐、豈期皇帝好生惡殺、先遣行人下示璽書、然王京去此尚遠、願先遣人從奉使回報、良弼乃遣鐸同其使二十六人至京師求見、帝疑其國主使之來、云守護所者詐也、詔翰林承旨和禮霍孫以問姚樞、許衡等、皆對曰、誠如聖算、彼懼我加兵、故發此輩伺吾強弱耳、宜示之寬仁、且不宜聽其入見。從之、」
61. 『高麗史』巻二十七 世家二十七 元宗三 元宗十二年正月己卯の条「復遣趙良弼、充國信使、期于必達、仍以忽林赤王國昌洪茶丘、將兵送抵海上、此國信使還、姑令金州等處屯住、」
62. 『元朝名臣事略』野斎李公撰墓碑「既至、宋人与高麗・聃羅共沮撓其事。留公太宰府、専人守護。第遣人応返議事、数以兵威相恐。或中夜排垣破戸、兵刃交拳。或火其隣舎、喧呶叫号。夜至十余発。公投牀大鼾、恬若不聞。如是者三日、彼詐窮変索公、呼守護所、大加詬責。彼来請受国書。公言、国書当俟見国主日致達。数欲脅取、公以辞拒之。嘖有煩言、随方詰難、彼不能屈。」
63. 吉田経長『吉続記』十月廿四条「今度蝶状、朝使直可持參帝都、不然者不可放手之由申之、蠻夷者參帝闕事無先例、蝶状之趣可承之由、少卿問答、就之、彼朝使書寫蝶状、與少卿、彼状自關東進之、其趣、度々雖有蝶状、無返蝶、此上以來十一月可爲期、猶爲無音者、可艤兵船云々、可有返蝶云々、先度長成卿草少々引直可被遣云々、」（笹川臨風、矢野太郎校訂『史料大成 第23巻 吉記二・吉続記』内外書籍 1935年 304頁）
64. 『高麗史』巻二十七 世家二十七 元宗三 元宗十三年正月丁丑の条「丁丑、趙良弼還自日本、遣書狀官張鐸、率日本使十二人如元、王遣譯語郞將白琚、表賀曰、盛化旁流、遐及日生之域、殊方率服、悉欣天覆之私、惟彼倭人、處于鰈海、宣撫使趙良弼、以年前九月、到金州境、裝舟放洋而往、是年正月十三日、偕日本使佐一十二人、還到合浦縣界、則此誠由聖德之懷綏、彼則嚮皇風而慕順、一朝涉海、始修爾職、而來萬里瞻天、曷極臣心之喜、玆馳賤介、仰賀宸庭。」
65. 『元史』巻七 本紀第七 世祖四 至元九年三月乙丑の条「諭旨中書省、日本使人速議遣還。安童言、良弼請移金州戍兵、勿使日本妄生疑懼、臣等以爲金州戍兵、彼國所知、若復移戍、恐非所宜、但開諭來使、此戍乃爲耽羅暫設、爾等不須疑畏也、帝稱善。」
66. 『高麗史』巻二十七 世家二十七 元宗三 元宗十三年（十二月）庚戌（二十六日）の条「元復遣趙良弼、如日本招諭。」
67. 『高麗史』巻二十七 世家二十七 元宗三 元宗十三年（四月）甲午（七日）の条「甲午、遣御史康之卲、護日本使還其國。」
68. 『賛皇復県記』「（趙良弼）承命東使日本。鯨海浩瀚、莫測其際。叛賊耽羅蔽其衝。公仗忠信、直抵其國、論以天子威徳。方制數十萬里、靡不從命。東夷悦服、既遣使詣闕。時僞宋以海道去兩浙不遠大畏之、遣僧滕原瓊林等、爲諜止行。日本人與公語、公面折之、縷數宋人浮僞無信。「今西淮襄漢四川、悉爲我有、但東南彈丸地、尋亦不保。」前後數百言、僧語塞不能對。日本亦栗然畏懾。履至危之地、馮仗威靈、無所辱命、全節而歸。」（太田彌一郎「石刻史料「賛皇復県記」にみえる南宋密使瓊林について－－元使趙良弼との邂逅－－」『東北大学東洋史論集』6 東洋史研究室 1995年）
69. 『元朝名臣事略』野斎李公撰墓碑「日本遂遣使介十二人入覲。上慰論遣還。其国主疑奉表講和。会々宋人使僧曰瓊林者、来渝平。以故和事不成。公還、以疾請帰老樊川。」
70. 『高麗史』巻二十七 世家二十七 元宗三 元宗十四年（三月）癸酉（二十日）の条「趙良弼如日本、至大宰府、不得入國都而還。」
71. 『元史』巻八 本紀第八 世祖五 至元十年六月戊申の条「使日本趙良弼、至太宰府而還、具以日本君臣爵號、州郡名數、風俗土宜來上。」
72. Lo 2012, p. 253. (Lo, Jung-pang (2012), China as a Sea Power 1127-1368)
73. 『元史』巻一百五十九 列伝第四十六 趙良弼「十年五月、良弼至自日本、入見、帝詢知其故、曰卿可謂不辱君命矣。后帝將討日本、三問、良弼言、臣居日本歲餘、睹其民俗、狠勇嗜殺、不知有父子之親、上下之禮。其地多山水、無耕桑之利、得其人不可役、得其地不加富。況舟師渡海、海風無期、禍害莫測。是謂以有用之民力、填無窮之巨壑也、臣謂勿擊便。帝從之。」
74. 『肥後小代文書』関東御教書「（上包）「北条相模守時宗 北条左京大夫政村」蒙古人可襲来之由、有其聞之間、所差遣御家人等於鎮西也、早速自身下向肥後国所領、相伴守護人（名越時章）、且令致異国之防禦、且可鎮領内之悪党者、依仰執達如件、文永八年九月十三日 相模守（北条時宗）（花押）左京権大夫（北条政村）（花押） 小代右衛門尉（重俊）子息等」（竹内理三編『鎌倉遺文』古文書編 第十四巻 東京堂出版 一〇八七三号）
75. 川添昭二『元寇防塁編年史料―注解異国警固番役史料の研究』福岡市教育委員会 1971年 57頁
76. 『尊敬閣所蔵野上文書』大友頼泰書下「「（付箋）大友出羽守頼泰」「（端書）守護所廻文<筑前・肥前両国要害警固事 到来文永九二十六>」筑前・肥前両国要害守護事、東国人々下向程、至来三月晦日、相催奉行国々御家人、可警固之由、関東御教書到来、仍且請取役所、且為差御家人御代官等、已打越候畢、不日相尋亍彼所、無懈怠、可令勤仕候也、恐々謹言、文永九年二月朔日 （大友）頼泰（花押） 野上太郎殿」（竹内理三編『鎌倉遺文』古文書編 第十四巻 東京堂出版 一〇九六四号）
77. 『将軍執権次第』文永九年条「時輔。式部大夫。二月十五日於六波羅南方被誅畢。廿五。」（塙保己一編『群書類従』第四輯 補任部 巻第四十八 続群書類従完成会 1960年 259頁）
78. 網野、(9) 日本の中世、 83。 (網野, 善彦 (2003). (9) 日本の中世 (in Japanese). 中央公論新社. ISBN 978-4124902181.)
79. "二月騒動" (in Japanese). The Asahi Shimbun Companyy. Retrieved 5 اوت 2019.
80. Yamamura, The Cambridge History of Japan, 567. (Yamamura, Kozo (1990), The Cambridge History of Japan, Vol. 3: Medieval Japan (in English), Cambridge University Press, ISBN 9780521223546)
81. 『高麗史』巻一二六 列伝三十九 姦臣 洪福源「明年（元宗十三年）、倭船泊金州、慶州道安撫使曹子一、恐元責交通、密令還去、茶丘聞之、嚴鞫子一、鍛錬以奏曰、高麗與倭相通、王遣張暐、請繹子一囚、一日茶丘遽還元、人莫知其故、王慰鍮之、」『高麗史』巻二十七 世家二十七 元宗三 元宗十三年七月甲子（八日）の条「秋七月甲子、倭船至金州、慶尚道道安撫使曹子一、恐元責交通、密令還國、洪茶丘聞之、嚴鞫子一、馳聞于帝。/己亥、洪茶丘殺曹子一。」
82. 『肥前松浦家文書』少弐資能施行状「今年八月三日 関東御教書、今日十六日到来、為案之、如状者、豊前・筑前・肥前・壱岐・対馬國國御家人等事、或本御家人并地頭補任所々、或給御下知知行之輩、及就質券売買之由緒、被成安堵之族、云其所名字分限、云領主之交名、且糺明所帯御下文・御下知、且不漏一所、平均可令注進之由、所被仰下候也、然者随身所書帯證文、可被上府候、任 御教書之状、糺明子細、可令注進言上候、更不可有遅怠之儀候也、恐々謹言、（文永十年）十一月十六日 沙彌（少弐資能）（花押）山代孫三郎殿」（竹内理三編『鎌倉遺文』古文書編 第十五巻 東京堂出版 一一四六八号）
83. 『高麗史』巻二十七 世家二十七 元宗三 元宗十五年正月の条「春正月、元遣總管察忽、監造戰艦三百艘、其工匠役徒一切物件、全委本國應副、於是以門下徒侍中金方慶爲東南道都督使、元又以昭勇大將軍洪茶丘爲監督造船官軍民總管、茶丘約正月十五日興役、催督甚嚴、王以樞密院副使許珙爲全州道都指揮使、右僕射洪祿遒爲羅州道都指揮使、又遣大將軍羅裕於全羅道、全伯鈞於慶尚道、朴保於東界、國子司業潘阜於西海道、將軍任愷於交州道、各爲部夫使、徴集工匠役徒三萬五百餘名、起赴造船所、是時驛騎絡繹、庶務煩劇、期限急迫、疾如雷電、民甚苦之。」
84. Lo 2012, pp. 253–254. (Lo, Jung-pang (2012), China as a Sea Power 1127-1368)
85. 『高麗史』巻二十七 世家二十七 元宗三 元宗十五年（六月）辛酉（十六日）の条「辛酉、遣大將軍羅裕如元、上中書省書曰、今年正月三日、伏蒙朝旨、打造大船三百艘、既行措置、遣樞密院副使許珙於全州道邊山、左僕射洪祿遒於羅州道天冠山備材、又以侍中金方慶爲都督使、管下員將、亦皆精揀、所須（功に「夫」）匠物件、並於中外差委、催督應副、越正月十五日聚齊、十六日起役、至五月晦告畢、船大小幷九百隻造訖、合用物件、亦皆圓備、令三品官能幹者、分管廻泊、已向金州、伏望諸相國、善爲敷奏。」
86. 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 日本國「十一年三月、命鳳州經略使忻都、高麗軍民總管洪茶丘、以千料舟、拔都魯輕疾舟、汲水小舟各三百、共九百艘、載士卒一萬五千、期以七月征日本。」 各艦船の用途については山形欣哉・石井謙治『歴史群像シリーズ64―北条時宗―蒙古襲来と若き執権の果断--元寇軍船』（学研出版 2000年 36〜39頁）を参考。
87. 『高麗史』巻二十七 世家二十七 元宗三 元宗十五年五月己丑（十四日）の条「己丑、元征東兵萬五千人來。」
88. 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 高麗國「（至元十一年）五月、皇女忽都魯掲里迷失下嫁于世子愖。」
89. Lo 2012, pp. 254–255. (Lo, Jung-pang (2012), China as a Sea Power 1127-1368)
90. 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 高麗國「（至元十一年）七月、其樞密院副使奇蘊奉表告王禃薨、命世子愖襲爵、詔諭高麗國王宗族及大小官員百姓人等、其略曰國王禃存日、屡言世子愖可爲繼嗣。今令愖襲爵爲王。凡在所屬、并听節制。八月、世子愖還至其國襲位。」
91. 《元史》卷八本紀第八世祖五至元十一年三月庚寅の条「庚寅、敕鳳州經略使忻都、高麗軍民総管洪茶丘等将屯田軍及女直軍、并水軍、合万五千人、戰船大小合九百艘、征日本、」
92. 《元史》卷二百八列傳第九十五外夷一高麗國「三月、遣木速塔八、撒本合、持詔使高麗、僉軍五千六百人、助征日本。」
93. 『高麗史』金方慶伝によると、蒙漢・高麗連合軍39,700が女真軍の到着を待ったとあり、蒙漢・高麗連合軍39,700の他に女真軍が存在したとしている。『高麗史』巻一百四 列伝十七 金方慶「以蒙漢軍二萬五千、我軍（高麗軍）八千、梢工引海水手六千七百、戦艦九百餘艘、留合浦、以待女眞軍、女眞後期、乃發船。」
94. Twitchett 1994, pp. 437–442. (Twitchett, Denis (1994). The Cambridge History of China. Vol. 6, Alien Regime and Border States, 907–1368. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521243319.)
95. 『八幡ノ蒙古記』「同十一年十月五日卯時に、對馬國府八幡宮假御殿の内より、火焔おひたゝしく、もえいつ、國府在家の人々、焼亡出来しよと見るに、もゆへき物もなきを、怪しみけるほとに、同日申時に、對馬の西おもて、佐須浦に、異國船見ゆ、」（1ウ）其数四五百艘はかりに、凡三四萬人もやあらんと、見るはかり寄来る、同日酉時、國府の地頭につく、即地頭宗馬允資國、八十餘騎、同日丑時、彼浦にゆきつく、翌日卯時、通人真継男を使者として、蒙古人に、事のしさいを尋る処に、散々に舟よりいる、大船七八艘より、あさち原へ、おりたつ勢、一千人もあらんと見ゆ、其時、宗馬允、陣をとりて戦ふ、いはなつ矢に異國人、数しらす、いとらる、此中に大将軍と、おほし」（2オ）き者四人、あし毛なる馬にのりて、一はんに、かけむかふ者、宗馬弥二郎に右の乳の上を、いられて、馬よりおつ、此時、馬允に射倒さるゝ者、四人、宗馬允かく戦ふといへとも、終にうたれぬ、同子息宗馬次郎、養子弥二郎、同八郎親頼、刑部丞郎等に三郎、庄太郎、入道源八、在廰左近馬允手人、肥後國御家人、口井藤三、源三郎、已上十二人、同時に討死す、蒙古、佐須浦に火をつけて、焼拂ふよし、宗馬允か郎等、小太郎、兵衛次郎」（2ウ）博多にわたりて告しらす、」（小野尚志『八幡愚童訓諸本研究 論考と資料』三弥井書店 2007年 193-194頁）
96. Turnbull 2010, p. 33. (Turnbull, Stephen (2010). The Mongol Invasions of Japan 1274 and 1281. Osprey.)
97. Turnbull 2010, p. 34. (Turnbull, Stephen (2010). The Mongol Invasions of Japan 1274 and 1281. Osprey.)
98. Delgado 2010, p. 92. (Delgado, James P. (2010). Khubilai Khan's Lost Fleet: In Search of a Legendary Armada.)
99. 「去文永十一年（太歳甲戌）十月ニ、蒙古国ヨリ筑紫ニ寄セテ有シニ、対馬ノ者、カタメテ有シ総馬尉等逃ケレハ、百姓等ハ男ヲハ或ハ殺シ、或ハ生取ニシ、女ヲハ或ハ取集テ、手ヲトヲシテ船ニ結付或ハ生取ニス、一人モ助カル者ナシ、壱岐ニヨセテモ又如是、」（竹内理三編『鎌倉遺文』古文書編 第十六巻 東京堂出版 一一八九六号）
100. 村井、「文永。弘安の役とその影響」、 278-4。 (村井, 章介, ed. (1988). "元寇". 週刊朝日科日本の歴史 (in Japanese) (9). 朝日新聞出版.)
101. Delgado 2010, p. 93. (Delgado, James P. (2010). Khubilai Khan's Lost Fleet: In Search of a Legendary Armada.)
102. 『八幡ノ蒙古記』「同十四日申時に壱岐嶋の西おもてに蒙古の兵船つく、其中に二艘より四百人はかりおりて、赤旗をさして東の方を三度、敵の方を三度拜す、其時、守護代平内左衛門尉景隆并御家人百餘騎、庄三郎か城の前にて矢合す、蒙古人か矢は、二時はかりいる間に守護代か方にも二人手負、異敵は大勢なり、終に叶ふへくもなかりけれは、城のうちへ引退て合戦す、同十五日に、攻めおとされ」（3オ）て城の内にて自害す、」（小野尚志『八幡愚童訓諸本研究 論考と資料』三弥井書店 2007年 194頁）
103. Turnbull 2010, p. 37. (Turnbull, Stephen (2010). The Mongol Invasions of Japan 1274 and 1281. Osprey.)
104. 『高麗史』巻一百四 列伝十七 金方慶「入對馬島、撃殺甚衆、至一岐島、倭兵陳於岸上、之亮及方慶婿趙卞逐之、倭請降、後來戰、茶丘與之亮卞、撃殺千餘級、捨舟三郎浦、分道而進、所殺過當、倭兵突至衝中軍、長劍交左右、方慶如植不少却、拔一嗃矢、厲聲大喝、倭辟易而走、之亮忻卞李唐公金天祿申奕等力戰、倭兵大敗、伏屍如麻、忽敦曰、蒙人雖習戰、何以加此、」
105. 『八幡ノ蒙古記』「同十六□（日カ）、十七日の間、平戸、能古、鷹嶋の男女多く捕らる、松浦黨敗す。」（小野尚志『八幡愚童訓諸本研究 論考と資料』三弥井書店 2007年 194頁） なお、『八幡愚童訓』諸本のうち、橘守部が『八幡愚童訓』の文永・弘安の役部分の原本と看做している『八幡ノ蒙古記』には平戸、能古、鷹島の襲来についての記述があるが、『八幡愚童訓』の現存諸本のうち平戸、能古、鷹島の襲来について、菊大路本（鎌倉時代末期）、東大寺上生院本（文明12年）、文明本（愛媛県八幡浜市八幡神社蔵本、文明15年）など主要な諸本では記述がない。
106. 『有浦文書』関東裁許状「（前略）蒙古合戦之時、房幷嫡子直・二男留・三男勇等殞命畢、（後略）」（瀬野 精一郎編集『松浦党関係史料集〈第1〉』続群書類従完成会 1996年 百三十号）
107. 円明院日澄撰『日蓮註画讃』巻第五 蒙古來「二島百姓等男或殺或捕、女集一所、徹手結附船、不被虜者、一人不害。肥前國松浦黨數百人、或伐或虜、此國百姓男女等、如壹岐對馬。」（山田安栄編『伏敵篇』1891年 巻之二11頁） 『日蓮註画讃』は日蓮の書簡や『八幡愚童訓』に依拠しつつ室町時代に執筆されている。
108. 橘守部旧蔵『八幡ノ蒙古記』「軍兵は、太宰小貳、大友、紀伊一類、臼杵、戸澤、松浦黨、菊池、原田、大矢野、兒玉、竹崎已下、神社佛寺の司等に至まて、我もゝゝと、はせあつまりたれは、」（小野尚志『八幡愚童訓諸本研究 論考と資料』三弥井書店 2007年 194頁）
109. 『蒙古襲来絵詞』詞七「日のたいしやう（大将）たさい（太宰）のせうに三らうさゑもんかけすけ（少弐三郎左衛門景資）、はかた（博多）のおき（息）のハま（浜）をあひかた（固）めて、一とう（一同）にかせん（合戦）候へしと、しきりにあひふれられ候しによて、すゑなか（季長）ゝ一もん（門）そのほか（他）、たいりやく（大略）ちん（陣）をかた（固）め候なかをいて候て、」
110. 『築後高良神社文書』将軍家政所下文案「将軍家政所於博多津、去文永十一年蒙古襲來之刻、肥後・薩摩・日州・隅州之諸軍馳參之砌、筑後河神代浮橋、九州第一之難處之處、神代良忠以調略、諸軍轍打渡、蒙古退治之事、偏玉垂宮冥慮、扶桑永代爲安利之由、所仰如件、建治元年十月二十九日 別当相模守平朝臣（北条時宗）判」（竹内理三編『鎌倉遺文』古文書編 第十六巻 東京堂出版 一二〇七八号）ただし、『鎌倉遺文』の編者である竹内理三氏はこの書状を稍疑うべしとしている。
111. 『福田文書』福田兼重申状写「右、去年十月廿日異賊等龍衣（襲カ）渡于寄（ママ）来畢（早カ）良郡之間、各可相向当所蒙仰之間、令馳向鳥飼塩浜令防戦之処、就引退彼山（凶カ）徒等令懸落百路（道）原、馳入大勢之中、令射戦之時、兼重鎧胸板・草摺等ニ（ママ）被射立箭三筋畢、凡雖為大勢之中、希有仁令存命、不分取許也、」（外山幹夫『中世九州社会の研究』付録 吉川弘文館 1986年 334頁）
112. 日朝『朝師書所見聞 安国論私抄』 第一 文永十一年蒙古責日本之地事「或記云蒙古ノイケドリノ白状ニ云、蒙古ノ年號ハ至元十一年三月十三日ニ蒙古國ヲ出テ高麗國ノカラカヤノ城ヲコシラヘテ、船ソロヘヲシ勢ヲ集テ、同九月二日ニカラカヤノ津ヲ出シニ、ノキタノ奥ニテ船一艘ニヘ入ル、蒙古ノ物三人生殘リ了、又四日ニ當ニ船一艘燒亡出來テ燒ケ死ス、十月六日對嶋ニヨセ來レリ、同十四日壹岐嶋ニ寄タリ、同二十日モモミチハラニオルルナリ、又船ノ數ハ一ムレニ百六十艘、總ジテ已上ハ二百四十艘也、船一艘別ニ兵三百人水主七十人馬五疋ハシラカス、カナツル四ツツナリ、」（『日蓮宗宗学全書 御書所見聞集 第1』日蓮宗宗学全書刊行会 1922年 17頁）
113. 広橋兼仲『勘仲記』文永十一年十一月十四日条「晴、依筥崎宮火事、自今日三个日廢朝云々、」（高橋秀樹、櫻井彦、中込律子校訂『史料纂集 古記録編 第149回配本 勘仲記1』八木書店 2008年5月 88頁）
114. Conlan, p. 264
115. Delgado 2010, p. 94. (Delgado, James P. (2010). Khubilai Khan's Lost Fleet: In Search of a Legendary Armada.)
116. 『金綱集』第十二 雑録 異賊襲我国事「九十代、今上御宇（亀山天皇）、筑前国大博多箱崎ニ来事、文永五年正月一日、新左衛門尉経資請取大田次郎左衛門 自蒙古国状、筑前国大宰府ニ、彼状豊前之新左衛門尉経資請取、大田次郎左衛門長盛并伊勢法橋二人ヲ以被進六波羅彼使者ヲ以被進関東、自鎌倉佐々木（「前」脱カ）対馬守氏信・伊勢入道（二階堂行綱）行願二人ヲ以被進公家、於仙洞菅宰相長成卿被召被読条状也、同十一年十月五日、蒙古人乗数百艘之船対馬仁来、同六日辰剋守護代宗馬（メノ）允資国等防キ戦之、（「蒙」脱カ）古人雖打取資国子息等悉打死畢、同十四日蒙古人壱岐国仁押寄テ守護代平内左衛門尉影高（景隆）等構城廓雖合戦ト、蒙古人乱入之間影高等自害畢、同十九日、蒙古人筑前国博多・箱崎・今津・佐原賊来、同廿日辰尅少郷入道覚恵（武藤資能）・子息三郎左衛門尉影（景）資・大友出羽守頼泰并以読（ママ）次郎左衛門尉重秀・難波次郎（在助）・菊池次郎（康成）、九国御家人等馳集令合戦之間、両方死輩不知其数、及酉尅九国軍兵引退処入夜三百余騎ノ軍兵出来、白〔弓偏ニ牟〕（鉾カ）梅○〔弓偏ニ牟〕暗空ニアリ、仍蒙古人同廿一日卯尅悉退散畢、船一艘被打上鹿島乗人百三○（十）余人也、或切頸、或生取、破損之船百余艘在々処々被打寄生取四人、一杜肺子・二白徳義・三羡六郎・四劉保兒也、同廿一日、住吉第三神殿ヨリ鏑ノ聲シテ西ヲ指シテ行、有人夢見、北野天神御歌神風仁蒙古賀船和散波多（亭カ）々底之花久津登成曾宇礼志幾 自他国国王十一代之間○我朝ニ賊来事十八度此中蒙古人十度来也、建治元年九月六日酉尅前後生取九人被切之也、文応元年庚申聖人（日蓮）造立正安国論進覧西明寺（北条時頼）殿、」（坂井法曄 2003, p. 27） (坂井法曄「日蓮の対外認識を伝える新出資料--安房妙本寺本「日本図」とその周辺」『金沢文庫研究』第311巻、神奈川県立金沢文庫、2003年10月、1-27頁、NAID 40006003160。)
117. Turnbull 2010, p. 49. (Turnbull, Stephen (2010). The Mongol Invasions of Japan 1274 and 1281. Osprey.)
118. Turnbull 2010, p. 41. (Turnbull, Stephen (2010). The Mongol Invasions of Japan 1274 and 1281. Osprey.)
119. 橘守部旧蔵『八幡ノ蒙古記』「鎧かろく、馬に、よくのり、ちから、つよく、命をします、豪盛勇猛、自在きはまりなく、かけ引せり、大将は高き所にあかりゐて、引へき所は、逃皷をうち、駈へき時には攻皷を鳴し、それにしたかふて、ふるまへり、その引ときに、てつほうとて、鉄丸に火を包て烈しく、とはす、あたりおちて、わるゝ時、四方に火をとはし、火烟を以て、くらます、又、其音、甚高けれは、心を迷はし、きもをけ」（5ウ）し、目くれ耳ふたかりて、東西をしらすなる、これかために、打るゝ者、多かり、日本の軍の如く、相互に名のりあひ、高名せすんは、一命かきり勝負とおもふ処に、此合戦は、大勢一度に、より合、足手のうこく所、われもゝゝと取つきて、おし殺し、又は生捕けり、この故に、かけ入ほとの日本人に、一人として、もれたる者こそなかりけれ、其中にも松浦いさみたりし故、おほく打れぬ、原田一類、澤田に、おひこまれ」（6オ）て、うせにけり、日田、青屋二三百騎はかりにて、ひかへたり、青屋かのりたる馬、口つよくして、しねんに敵陣にそ引れたる、主人入しかは、かの手に、したかふものとも、つゝいて、かけ入たりけるに、ひしゝゝと巻こめられて、残りすくなく打死にす、主人ののりし馬、御方の陣、へ歸しにこそ、青屋伐れたりとは、しられたれ、肥後國御家人、竹崎五郎兵衛尉季長、天草城主大矢野種保兄弟、船にかゝりしほ」（6ウ）とは、よくふるまひたれと、此所にいたりて、得かゝらす、白石六郎通泰も、えすゝます、こゝに山田か若者五六人、蒙古に、おひたてられ、赤坂をくたりて、のけ兜になりて、にくる処に蒙古三人、もみにもみてそ、おひかけたる、されとも、とくにけ延し事、一町あまりなりしかは、蒙古ちからなく、せめての事にや、尻をかきあけて、此方へむかひてそ、をとりける、この時、山田の逃武者とも、口をし」（7オ）き事かな、奴原に、かく追立らるゝ事よと、精兵を、えらひて、いあつへきには、あらすとも、遠矢射て見む、南無八幡大菩薩、此矢、敵に當させ給へとて、何にあつよもなく、はなちけるに、あやまたす、かの二人とも射殺しつ、此とき、日本人は一度に、とつと、わらへとも、蒙古は音もせす、手負を掻具して、にけさりつ、大菩薩の御罸にあらさるほか、いかにして、かの矢の、あたるへき事あらんと、貴はさる人なく、うれし（7ウ）さ、はかりなかりけり、されとも蒙古、次第につよく、かちに乗じて攻来、今津、佐原、百道、赤坂まて乱入して、松原の中に陣を取てそ居たりける、かほとの事あるへしとは、兼ては、おもはさりけれは、妻子眷属をかくしもおかすして、数千人そ捕られにたる、」（小野尚志『八幡愚童訓諸本研究 論考と資料』三弥井書店 2007年 195〜196頁）
120. Needham 1986, p. 178. (Needham, Joseph (1986). Science & Civilisation in China. Vol. V:7: The Gunpowder Epic. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-30358-3.)
121. 『蒙古襲来絵詞』詞四「たけふさ（武房）にけうと（凶徒）あかさか（赤坂）のちん（陣）をか（駆）けお（落）とされて、ふたて（二手）になりて、おほせい（大勢）はすそはら（麁原）にむ（向）きてひ（退）く。こせい（小勢）はへふ（別府）のつかハら（塚原）へひ（退）く、」
122. 橘守部旧蔵『八幡ノ蒙古記』「はしめより軍立、思ひしにたかひて、おもてを、むくへきやうもなく、御方追々に引退て、一人も、かゝる者こそ、なくなりに」（8オ）けれ、こゝに菊池次郎、おもひ切て、百騎はかりを二手に分て、おしよせて、さんゝゝにかけちらし、上になり下になり、勝負をけつし、家のこ、らうたう等、多くうたれにけり、いかゝしたりけん、菊池はかりは、うちもらされて、死人の中より、かけいて、頸とも数多とりつけ、御方の陣に入しこそ、いさましけれ、是偏に、大菩薩を深く信して、もし、勧賞あるならは、賜ひたらん一はんの物を、手向奉らん」（8ウ）との立願なりし故なりとて、後に太宰府よ（ママ）より注進して、京都より賜はりし甲冑を當社へそ納めける、」（小野尚志『八幡愚童訓諸本研究 論考と資料』三弥井書店 2007年 196〜197頁）/東大寺上生院本『八幡愚童記』「蒙古ハ、次第ニ、勝ニ乗（ノリ）テ責入テ、赤坂マテ乱入ル、松原ノ中ニ陣ヲトル、（中略）爰ニ菊地ノ次郎ハ、思切テ、百騎計ヲ二手ニ分テ押寄セ、散々ニ、カケ散シ、取重ナリテ勝負ヲス、蒙古ニ、郎等多ク打セテ、イカゝシタリケン、菊池計ハ死人ノ中ヨリ、ヲキ挙リ、頸共アマタ取テ、城内ヘ入シコソ、名ヲ後代ニ留ケレ」（小野尚志『八幡愚童訓諸本研究 論考と資料』三弥井書店 2007年 442頁）
123. 『蒙古襲来絵詞』詞四「つかハら（塚原）よりとりかひ（鳥飼）のしほ[ひ]かた（汐干潟）を、おほせい（大勢）になりあハむとひ（退）くをお（追）かくるに、むま（馬）ひかた（干潟）にはたハ（倒）して、そのかたき（敵）をのハ（逃）す。けうと（凶徒）ハすそはら（麁原）にちん（陣）をとりて、いろゝゝ（色々）のはた（旗）をた（立）てなら（列）へて、らんしやう（乱鐘）ひま（暇）なくして、ひしめきあ（合）ふ。すゑなか（季長）は（馳）せむ（向）かふを、とうけんたすけみつ（藤源太資光）申す。御かた（味方）ハつゝき候らん、御ま（待）ち候てせう人をた（立）てゝ御かせん（合戦）候へ、と申を、きうせん（弓箭）のみち（道）さき（先）をも（以）てしやう（賞）とす、たゝか（駆）けよとて、をめいてか（駆）く。」
124. Delgado 2010, p. 95. (Delgado, James P. (2010). Khubilai Khan's Lost Fleet: In Search of a Legendary Armada.)
125. 『蒙古襲来絵詞』詞四「けうと（凶徒）すそハら（麁原）より、とりかいかた（鳥飼潟）のしほや（塩屋）のまつ（松）のもと（下）にむ（向）けあハせてかせん（合戦）す。一はん（番）にはたさしむま（旗指馬）をい（射）られては（跳）ねを（落）とさる。すゑなか（季長）いけ（以下）三き（騎）いたて（痛手）を（負）ひ、むま（馬）い（射）られては（跳）ねしところに、ひせん（肥前）のくに（国）の御け人（御家人）しろいし（白石）の六郎みちやす（通泰）、こちん（後陣）より大せい（大勢）にてか（駆）けしに、もうこ（蒙古）のいくさ（戦）ひ（引）きしり（退）そきて、すそはら（麁原）にあ（上）かる。むま（馬）もい（射）られすして、ゐてき（異敵）のなか（中）にか（駆）けい（入）り、みちやす（通泰）つゝ（続）かさりせハ、し（死）ぬへかりしみなり、」
126. 『蒙古襲来絵詞』詞七「はかた（博多）のちん（陣）をう（打）つい（出）て、とりかひ（鳥飼）のしおひかた（汐干潟）には（馳）せむ（向）かひ候て、さき（先）をし候てかせん（合戦）をいたし、はたさ（旗指）しのむま（馬）、おな（同）しきの（乗）りむま（馬）をいころ（射殺）され、すゑなか（季長）、三井の三郎、わかたう（若党）一人、三き（騎）いたて（痛手）をかうふ（被）り、ひせん（肥前）のくに（国）の御け（家）人しろいし（白石）の六郎せう（証）人にた（立）て候て、かけすけ（景資）のひきつ（引付）けに一はん（番）につき候し事、」
127. 『都甲文書』大友頼泰勘状写 「蒙古人合戦事、於筑前国鳥飼濱陣、令致忠節給候之次第、已注進関東候畢、仍執達如件、文永十一年十二月七日 （大友）頼泰 都甲左衛五郎（惟親）殿」（竹内理三編『鎌倉遺文』古文書編 第十五巻 東京堂出版 一一七七一号）
128. 『財津氏系譜』日田永基伝「文永十一年十月二十日、拒異賊於筑前國姪濱百路原両所一日二度大破之。」（芥川 竜男・福川 一徳編校訂『西国武士団関係史料集 〈1〉財津氏系譜』文献出版 1991年 29頁）
129. Delgado 2010, p. 96. (Delgado, James P. (2010). Khubilai Khan's Lost Fleet: In Search of a Legendary Armada.)
130. 『武藤系圖』少弐景資伝「弘安（文永カ）蒙古出來時、蒙古大将於百道原射留ラル」（『続群書類従』巻百四十九 系図部）
131. 『高麗史』巻一百四 列伝十七 金方慶「諸軍與戰、及暮乃解、方慶謂忽敦茶丘曰、『兵法千里縣軍、其鋒不可當、我師雖少、已入敵境、人自爲戰、即孟明焚船淮陰背水也、請復戰』、忽敦曰、『兵法小敵之堅、大敵之擒、策疲乏之兵、敵日滋之衆、非完計也、不若回軍』復亨中流矢、先登舟、遂引兵還、會夜大風雨、戰艦觸岩多敗、侁堕水死、到合浦、」
132. Delgado 2010, pp. 95–96. (Delgado, James P. (2010). Khubilai Khan's Lost Fleet: In Search of a Legendary Armada.)
133. Turnbull 2010, p. 48. (Turnbull, Stephen (2010). The Mongol Invasions of Japan 1274 and 1281. Osprey.)
134. 『高麗史節要』巻十九 二十五葉 元宗十五年十月十一日条「諸軍終日戰、及暮乃解、方慶、謂忽敦茶丘曰、『我兵雖少、已入敵境人自為戰。即孟明焚舟、淮陰背水者也。請復決戰』。忽敦曰、『小敵之堅大敵之擒、策疲乏兵大敵、非完計也』而劉復亨中流矢、先登舟、故遂引兵還、會夜大風雨、戰艦觸巖崖多敗、金侁墮水死、」
135. Delgado 2010, p. 97. (Delgado, James P. (2010). Khubilai Khan's Lost Fleet: In Search of a Legendary Armada.)
136. 『朝師御書見聞 安国論私抄』 第一 蒙古詞事「又或記云十一歟月二十四日ニ聞フル定、蒙古ノ船ヤブレテ浦浦ニ打挙ル、数、對嶋ニ一艘、壹岐百三十艘、ヲロ嶋二艘、鹿嶋二艘、ムナカタニ二艘、カラチシマ三艘、アクノ郡七艘又壹岐三艘、已上百二十四艘、是ハ目ニ見ユル分齊也、又十一月九日ユキノセト云フ津ニ死タル蒙古ノ人百五十人、又總ノ生捕二十七人、頭取事三十九、其他数ヲシラズ、又日本人死事百九十五人、下郎ハ数ヲ不知有事云云、」（『日蓮宗宗学全書 御書所見聞集 第1』日蓮宗宗学全書刊行会 1922年 21頁）
137. Turnbull 2010, pp. 48–50. (Turnbull, Stephen (2010). The Mongol Invasions of Japan 1274 and 1281. Osprey.)
138. 『高麗史』 巻八十七 表巻第二「十月、金方慶與元元帥忽敦洪茶丘等征日本、至壹岐戰敗、軍不還者萬三千五百餘人」
139. 広橋兼仲『勘仲記』文永十一年十一月六日条「晴、或人云、去比凶賊船數萬艘浮海上、而俄逆風吹來、吹歸本國、少々船又馳上陸上、仍大鞆式部大夫（大友頼泰）郎從等凶賊五十餘人許令虜掠之、皆搦置彼輩等、（裏書）六日下、召具之。可令參洛云々、逆風事、神明之御加被歟、無止事可責、其憑不少者也、近日内外法御祈、諸社奉幣連綿、無他事云々」（高橋秀樹、櫻井彦、中込律子校訂『史料纂集 古記録編 第149回配本 勘仲記1』八木書店 2008年5月 85頁）
140. 『高麗史』巻二十八 世家二十八 忠烈王一 元宗十五年（十一月）己亥（二十七日）の条「己亥、東征師還合浦、遣同知樞密院事張鎰勞之、軍不還者無慮萬三千五百餘人。」
141. 福岡市教育委員会 (1969). "福岡市今津元寇防塁発掘調査概報". Comprehensive Database of Archaeological Site Reports in Japan. Retrieved 2 September 2016.
142. 『東寺文書』関東御教案「明年三月比、可被征伐異國也、梶取・水手等、鎭西若令不足者、可省充山陰・山陽・南海道等之由、被仰太宰少貳經資了、仰安安藝國邊知行之地頭御家人・本所一圓地等、兼日催儲梶取・水手等、經資令相觸者、守彼配分之員數、早速可令送遣博多也者、依仰執達如件、建治元年十二月八日 武蔵守（北条義政）相模守（北条時宗）在判 武田五郎次郎（信時）殿」（竹内理三編『鎌倉遺文』古文書編 第十六巻 東京堂出版 一二一七〇号）
143. 『福岡県史』第一巻下冊 福岡県 1962年 61頁
144. 『予章記』「通有。弘安四年。蒙古襲來ス。志賀、鷹、能古等島々海上ニ充満セリ。夷國退治之事ハ家ノ先例ナル間。大將トテ筑前國ニ進發ス。日本ノ諸勢、博多、筥崎、上下三十里ノ海涯ニ築地ヲ高ク築キ。此方面々馬ニテ馳上ル様ニ土ヲ築キ上テ。面ニ亂杭逆茂木ヲ付タリ。海上ヨリ見ハ危峰ノ江ニ臨ムカ如シ。然レ共河野ノ陣ニハ海ノ面、幕一重ニテ後ニ築地ヲツカセタリ。是敵ヲ轍ク引入一戦ノ勝負ヲ可決ト也。背ニ逃道アラハ。味方ヤ逃。トカクシテ一人モ引セシト也。從是河野ノ後築地ト云付タリ。」（山田安栄編『伏敵篇』1891年 巻之四30頁）
145. 『薩摩比志島文書』少弐経資書下「蒙古警固結番事、以使者民部次郎兵衞尉國茂、令啓候、被聞食候て、可令被露給候、恐々謹言、（文永十二年）二月四日 大宰少貳經資在判 進上 竹井又太郎殿 蒙古警固結番事 春三ヶ月＜筑前國/肥後國＞夏三ヶ月＜筑前國/豐前國＞秋三ヶ月＜豐後國/筑後國＞冬三ヶ月＜日向國/大隅國/薩摩國＞ 文永十二年二月 日」（竹内理三編『鎌倉遺文』古文書編 第十五巻 東京堂出版 一一八〇五号）
146. 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 日本國「（至元）十二年二月、遣禮部侍郎杜世忠、兵部侍郎何文著、計議官撒都魯丁往、使復致書、亦不報、」
147. 『鎌倉年代記裏書』「今年四月十五日、大元使着長門國室津浦、八月、件牒使五人被召下關東、九月七日、於龍口刎首、一、中須大夫禮部侍郎杜世忠、年卅四、大元人、作詩云、出門妻子贈寒衣、問我西行幾日歸、來時儻佩黄金印、莫見蘇秦不下機、二、奉訓大夫兵部郎中何文着、年卅八、唐人、作頌云、四大元無主、五蘊悉皆空、兩國生靈若（苦カ）、今日斬秋風、三、承仕郎回々都魯丁、年卅二、回々用人、四、書状官薫畏國人杲（果）、年卅二、五、高麗譯語郎將徐、年卅三、作詩云、朝廷宰相五更寒、々甲將軍夜過關、十六高僧甲（由カ）未起、算來名利不如閑、今度刎首事永絶、窺覦不可攻之策也、其後警固事有沙汰、鎭西撰補守護人器用之發遣海邊國々、止京都大番役、被差置左（在カ）京人、公家武家減省公事、行儉約、休民庶、皆是爲軍旅用意也、」（竹内 理三編集『続史料大成 別巻 鎌倉年代記・武家年代記・鎌倉大日記』臨川書店増補版 1979年9月 53頁）
148. Reed, Edward J. (1881). Japan: its History, Traditions, and Religions, p. 291, at Google Books
149. "常立寺". www.kamakura-burabura.com. Archived from the original on 12 August 2017. Retrieved 30 April 2018.
150. 『鎌倉年代記裏書』「今年（弘安二年）六月廿五日、大元將軍夏貴、范文虎、使周福、欒忠相具渡宋曉房靈杲、通事陳光等着岸、牒状之旨如前々、於博多斬首、」（竹内 理三編集『続史料大成 別巻 鎌倉年代記・武家年代記・鎌倉大日記』臨川書店増補版 1979年9月 54頁）
151. Turnbull 2010, pp. 55–57. (Turnbull, Stephen (2010). The Mongol Invasions of Japan 1274 and 1281. Osprey.)
152. 『元史』巻一百八十 列傳第六十七 耶律希亮「十二年、既平宋、世祖命希亮問諸降將、日本可伐否、夏貴、呂文煥、范文虎、陳奕等皆云可伐、希亮奏曰、宋與遼金攻戰且三百年、干戈甫定、人得息肩、俟數年、興師未晩、世祖然之、」
153. 『元史』巻十一 本紀第十一 世祖八 至元十七年二月辛丑の条「賜諸王阿八合、那木干所部、及征日本行省阿剌罕、范文虎等西錦衣、銀鈔、幣帛各有差。」
154. 『元史』巻十 本紀第十 世祖七 至元十六年二月甲申の条「以征日本、敕揚州、湖南、贛州、泉州四省造戰船六百艘」
155. 『元史』巻十一 本紀第十一 世祖八 至元十八年二月己丑の条「福建省左丞蒲壽庚言、詔造海船二百艘、今成者五十、民實艱苦、詔止之。」
156. 『元史』巻一百五十三 列傳第四十 賈居貞「十七年、朝廷再征日本、造戰艦於江南、居貞極言民困、如此必致亂、將入朝奏罷其事、未行。」
157. 『元史』巻一百六十 列傳第四十七 徐世隆「會征日本、世隆上疏諫止、語頗剴切、當路者不即以聞、已而帝意悟、其事亦寢。」
158. 『元史』巻一百三十二 列傳第十九 昂吉兒「日本不庭、帝命阿塔海等領卒十萬征之。昂吉兒上疏、其略曰、臣聞兵以氣爲主、而上下同欲者勝。此者連事外夷、三軍屢衄、不（可）以言氣、海内騷然、一遇調發、上下愁怨、非所謂同欲也、請罷兵息民。不從。既而師果無功。」
159. 『元史』巻一百六十 列傳第四十七 王磐「日本之役、師行有期、磐入諫曰、日本小夷、海道險遠、勝之則不武、不勝則損威、臣以爲勿伐便。帝震怒、謂非所宣言、且曰、此在吾國法、言者不赦、汝豈有他心而然耶。磐對曰、臣赤心爲國、故敢以言、苛有他心、何爲從反亂之地、冒萬死而來歸乎。今臣年已八十、況無子嗣、他心欲何爲耶。明日、帝遣待臣以温言慰撫、使無憂懼。」
160. Winters, Harold et al. (2001). Battling the Elements , p. 14, at Google Books
161. 『高麗史』巻一百四 列伝十七 金方慶「忻都茶丘等、以累戦不利、且范文虎過期不至、議回軍曰、聖旨令江南軍、與東路軍、必及是月望、会一岐島、今南軍不至、我軍先至数戦、船腐糧尽、其将奈何、方慶黙然、旬余又議如初、方慶曰、奉聖旨齎三月糧、今一月糧尚在、俟南軍来、合攻必滅之、諸将不敢復言」
162. 『高麗史』巻二十九 世家二十九 忠烈王二 忠烈王六年八月乙未（二十六日）の条「茶丘曰、臣若不擧日本、何面目復見陛下、於是約束曰、茶丘忻都、率蒙麗漢四萬軍發合浦、范文虎率蠻軍十萬發江南、倶會日本一岐島、两軍畢集、直抵日本、破之必矣、」
163. 《元史》卷一百五十四 列傳第四十一洪福源俊奇君祥萬「十八年、與右丞欣都、将舟師四萬、由高麗金州合浦以進、時右丞范文虎、将兵十萬、由慶元・定海等処渡海、期至日本一岐・平戶等島合兵登岸」，寧波及寧波鎮海區
164. 『高麗史』巻二十九 世家二十九 忠烈王二「忠烈王七年 五月戊戌（三日）、忻都茶丘及金方慶朴球金周鼎等、以舟師征日本。」
165. 『高麗史』巻二十九 世家二十九 忠烈王二 忠烈王七年四月癸未（十八日）の条「大閲干合浦。」
166. 《高麗史》卷二十九 世家二十九 忠烈王二忠烈王七年六月丙辰（二十二日）の条「范文虎亦以戰艦三千五百艘、蛮軍十餘萬来」
167. 『元史』巻一百五十四 列傳第四十一 洪福源・附洪俊奇「十七年、授龍虎衞上將軍、征東行省右丞、十八年、與右丞欣都、將舟師四萬、由高麗金州合浦以進、時右丞范文虎等、將兵十萬、由慶元、定海等処渡海、期至日本一岐、平戸等島合兵登岸、兵未交、秋八月、風壞舟而還。」
168. 『元史』巻一百二十九 列傳第十六 阿剌罕「十八年、召拜光祿大夫、中書左丞相、行中書省事、統蒙古軍四十萬征日本、行次慶元、卒于軍中、」
169. 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 日本國「（至元十八年）六月、阿剌罕以病不能行、命阿塔海代總軍事、」
170. Turnbull 2010, p. 58. (Turnbull, Stephen (2010). The Mongol Invasions of Japan 1274 and 1281. Osprey.)
171. 『高麗史』 巻一百四 列伝十七 金方慶「方慶與忻都茶丘朴球金周鼎等發、至日本世界村大明浦」 武田 幸男（翻訳）『高麗史日本伝（下）』（岩波文庫、2005年）によると世界村大明浦とは対馬上県郡佐賀村の大明神浦説が有力であるとしている。
172. 『高麗史』 巻一百四 列伝十七 金方慶「至日本世界村大明浦、使通事金貯激喩之、周鼎先與倭交鋒、諸軍皆下與戦、郎将康彦康師子等死之」
173. 『高麗史』巻二十九 世家二十九 忠烈王二 忠烈王七年五月癸亥（二十八日）の条「是月二十六日、諸軍向一岐島忽魯勿塔、船軍一百十三人梢水三十六人遭風、失其所之、」
174. 広橋兼仲『勘仲記』弘安四年六月十四日条「自武家邊内々申云、今日宰府飛脚到來、異賊舟三百艘着長門浦了、云々、閣鎭西直令着岸之条、怖畏之外無他、」（高橋秀樹、櫻井彦、中込律子校訂『史料纂集 古記録編 第157回配本 勘仲記2』八木書店 2008年5月 229頁）
175. 『弘安四年日記抄（壬生官務家日記抄）』六月十五日条「異國賊船襲來長門□（興）□…」（国民精神文化研究所編『元寇史料集』第二巻 國民精神文化研究所 1935年）
176. Turnbull 2010, p. 59. (Turnbull, Stephen (2010). The Mongol Invasions of Japan 1274 and 1281. Osprey.)
177. Turnbull 2010, p. 62. (Turnbull, Stephen (2010). The Mongol Invasions of Japan 1274 and 1281. Osprey.)
178. 『元敦武校尉管軍上百戸張成墓碑銘』「（至元）十八年、樞密院檄君、仍管新附□□（軍百？）率所統、堦千戸岳公琇、往征倭、四月□（發？）合浦登海州、以六月六日至倭之志賀島、夜将半、賊兵□□來襲、君與所部據艦戦、至暁、賊船廻退、八日、賊遵陸復來、君率纏弓弩、先登岸迎敵、奪占其□要、賊弗能前、日晡、賊軍復集、又返敗之、明日、倭大會兵來戦、君統所部、入陣奮戦、賊不能□（支？）殺傷過□（當？）賊敗去。」（池内宏『元寇の新研究』東洋文庫 1931年 229頁）
179. 『高麗史節要』巻二十 十四葉 忠烈王七年六月壬申（八日）「六月壬申（八日）、金方慶金周鼎朴球朴之亮荊萬戸等、與日本兵力戰、斬首三百餘級、官軍潰、茶丘乗馬走、王萬戸復横撃之、斬五十餘級、日本兵之退、茶丘僅免、翼日復戰敗績、」
180. なお『高麗史節要』では東征都元帥・洪茶丘は馬に乗って敗走したことになっている。『高麗史』巻一百四 列伝十七 金方慶「六月、方慶周鼎球之亮荊萬戸等、與日本兵合戰、斬三百餘級、日本兵突進、官軍潰、茶丘棄馬走、王萬戸復横撃之、斬五十餘級、日本兵之退、茶丘僅免、翼日復戰敗績、」
181. Delgado 2010, p. 105. (Delgado, James P. (2010). Khubilai Khan's Lost Fleet: In Search of a Legendary Armada.)
182. 『蒙古襲来絵詞』絵十一は志賀島の戦いで負傷した竹崎季長が同じく負傷した河野通有を見舞う場面である。このことから通有が負傷したのは志賀島の戦いであったことがわかる。佐藤 鉄太郎『蒙古襲来絵詞と竹崎季長』櫂歌書房 1994年 171-177頁
183. 『蒙古襲来絵詞』詞十四「陣にをしよせて合戦をいたしきすをかふり候事、ひさなか（久長）のて（手）の物信濃國御家人ありさかのいや（弥）二郎・ひさなか（久長）のをい（甥）しきふ（式部）の三郎「のて（手）の物いはや（岩谷）四郎さゑもんかねふさ（左衛門兼房）、これをせう（証）人にた（立）つ」頼承てお（手負）ひてのち（後）、ゆみ（弓）をす（捨）てなきなた（長刀）をと（取）りてを（押）しよ（寄）せよ、の（乗）りうつ（移）らむ、とはや（逸）りしかとも、これも水手ろ（櫓）をす（捨）てを（押）さゝりしほとに、ちからなくのりうつ（移）らさりし物なり。同日むま（午）の時、季長なら（並）ひにて（手）の物、きす（疵）をかふ（被）るものとも、き（生）のまつはら（松原）にて、守護のけさむ（見参）にい（入）りて、當國一番にひきつ（引付）けにつ（付）く。鹿嶋にさ（差）しつか（遣）はすて（手）の物、同日巳剋に合戦をいた（致）し、親類野中太郎なかすゑ（長季）郎従藤源太すけミつ（資光）いたて（痛手）をかふ（被）り、の（乗）りむま（馬）二疋ゐころ（射殺）されし證人に、豊後國御家人はしつめ（橋詰）の兵衛次郎をた（立）つ。土佐房道戒うちし（討死）にの證人にハ、盛宗の御て（手）の人たまむら（玉村）の三郎盛清をた（立）てけさむ（見参）に入て、同御ひきつ（引付）けにつ（付）く。」
184. 『福田文書』平国澄起請文写「以去年六月八日押寄于志賀嶋、抽合戦之忠、国澄被二疵候之時、兼重子息兼光類船令致合戦候之刻、下人云、被疵子細云、被射折弓子細如申状無相違候、」（外山幹夫『中世九州社会の研究』付録 吉川弘文館 1986年 335頁）
185. Delgado 2010, p. 106. (Delgado, James P. (2010). Khubilai Khan's Lost Fleet: In Search of a Legendary Armada.)
186. 青原、「日本を襲った元寇の真実」、 7。 (青原, 伸一, ed. (2008). "日本を襲った元寇の真実". 週刊 歴史のミステリー (in Japanese) (6). デアゴスティーニ･ジャパン.)
187. 『高麗史』巻一百四 列伝十七 金方慶「軍中又大疫、死者三千餘」
188. Turnbull 2010, p. 69. (Turnbull, Stephen (2010). The Mongol Invasions of Japan 1274 and 1281. Osprey.)
189. 『歴代鎮西要略』外山幹夫 2008, p. 70 (外山幹夫『肥前松浦一族』新人物往来社、2008年。ISBN 9784404035165。)
190. 『龍造寺系図』龍造寺季時伝「弘安中蒙古襲来時、季時合戰壱岐島瀬戸浦、顕高名討死」（『大宰府・太宰府天満宮史料』第8巻 太宰府町（福岡県）1972年）
191. 『武藤少弐系図』「資時。弘安四年。與蒙古戦於壹岐島前討死。」（山田安栄編『伏敵篇』1891年 巻之四19頁）
192. 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 日本國「今年（至元十八年）三月、有日本船爲風水漂至者、令其水工畫地圖、因見近太宰府西有平戸島者、周圍皆水、可屯軍船、此島非其所防、若徑往據此島、使人乘船往一岐、呼忻都茶丘來會、進討爲利、帝曰、此閒不悉彼中事宜、阿剌罕輩必知、」
193. 『元史』巻一百六十五 列傳第五十二 張禧「十七年、加鎭國上將軍、都元帥、時朝廷議征日本、禧請行、即日拜行中書省平章政事、與右丞范文虎、左丞李庭同率舟帥、泛海東征、至日本、禧即捨舟、築壘平湖島、約束戰艦、各相去五十歩止泊、以避風濤觸撃、八月、颶風大作、文虎、庭戰艦悉壞、禧所部獨完、文虎等議還、禧曰、士卒溺死者半、其脱死者、皆壯士也、曷若乘其無回顧心、因粮於敵以進戰、文虎等不從、曰、還朝問罪、我輩當之、公不與也、禧乃分船與之、時平湖島屯兵四千、乏舟、禧曰、我安忍棄之、遂悉棄舟中所有馬七十匹、以濟其還、至京師、文虎等皆獲罪、禧獨免、」
194. 鄭思肖『心史』中興集 元韃攻日本敗北歌「辛巳六月半、元賊由四明下海、大船七千隻、至七月半、抵倭口白骨山、築土城駐兵対塁。晦日大風雨作、雹大如拳、船為大浪掀播沈壊、韃軍半没於海。船僅廻四百余隻、二十万人、在白骨山上、無船渡帰、為倭人尽刎。山上素無人居、唯多巨蛇。相伝、唐東征軍士、咸隕命此山。故曰白骨山。又曰枯髏山。」石原 道博（翻訳）『新訂 旧唐書倭国日本伝・宋史日本伝・元史日本伝―中国正史日本伝』〈2〉岩波文庫 1986年 212頁
195. 『元敦武校尉管軍上百戸張成墓碑銘』「（七月）二十七日、移軍至打可島（鷹島）、賊舟復集、君整艦、與所部、日以繼夜、鏖戰至明、賊舟始退、」（池内宏『元寇の新研究』東洋文庫 1931年 308頁）
196. 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 日本國「（至元十八年）官軍六月入海、七月至平壷島（平戸島）、移五龍山（鷹島か）、八月一日、風破舟、五日、文虎等諸將各自擇堅好船乘之、棄士卒十餘萬于山下、衆議推張百戸者爲主帥、號之曰張總管、聽其約束、方伐木作舟欲還、七日日本人來戰、盡死、餘二三萬爲其虜去、九日、至八角島、盡殺蒙古、高麗、漢人、謂新附軍爲唐人、不殺而奴之、閶輩是也、蓋行省官議事不相下、故皆棄軍歸、久之、莫靑與呉萬五者亦逃還、十萬之衆得還者三人耳。」
197. 『元史』巻一百二十八 列傳第十五 相威「十八年、右丞范文虎、參政李庭、以兵十萬、航海征倭、七晝夜至竹島、與遼陽省臣兵合、欲先攻太宰府、遲疑不發、八月朔、颶風大作、士卒十喪六七。」
198. Delgado 2010, p. 107. (Delgado, James P. (2010). Khubilai Khan's Lost Fleet: In Search of a Legendary Armada.)
199. 蘇天爵撰『滋溪文稿』巻二十一 碑誌十五 元故贈長葛県君張氏墓誌銘「明年、宋滅。論功行賞、受池州總把。歸附之初、新令未洽、豪民潛擾郷邑。公撫治以嚴、民頼以安。久之、朝廷以日本梗化不庭、出帥征之。公又行。由慶元汎舟入海凡七晝夜、抵達可島。去其國七十里。潮汐盈涸不常、舟弗能進。乃縛艦爲寨、碇鐡靈山下。命公守之。八月一日夜半、颶風大作、波濤如山。震撼撃撞、舟壞且盡。軍士號呼、溺死海中如麻。明日、大帥命公先歸。公由躭羅逾高麗、渡遼水以趍京師。遂歸于池。」
200. 『元史』巻一百二十三 列傳第十 月里麻思・附忽都哈思「十八年、以招討使將兵征日本、死於敵、」
201. 『鎌倉年代記裏書』「今年（弘安四年）七月、大元賊徒、自宋朝、高麗數千艘船寄來、數日漂對馬海上而後群集肥前國鷹島之處、同卅日夜、閏七月一日大風、賊船悉漂倒、死者不知幾千萬、但將軍范文虎歸國云々、大元船二千五百餘艘、兵士十五萬人、除水手等、高麗船千艘云々、」（竹内 理三編集『続史料大成 別巻 鎌倉年代記・武家年代記・鎌倉大日記』臨川書店増補版 1979年9月 54頁）
202. Emanuel, Kerry; Emanuel, Professor Department of Earth Atmospheric and Planetary Sciences Program in Atmospheres Oceans and Climate Kerry (2005). Divine Wind: The History and Science of Hurricanes. Oxford University Press, US. ISBN 978-0-19-514941-8. Retrieved 30 April 2018 – via Internet Archive. mongol invasion of japan.
203. 『癸辛雑識－続集下』「至大（元）十八年、大軍征日本。船軍已至竹島、與其大宰府甚邇。方號令翌日分路以入。夜半忽大風暴作、諸船皆撃撞而碎、四千餘舟所存二百而巳。全軍十五萬人、歸者不能五之一、凡棄糧五十萬石、衣甲器械稱是。是夕之風、木大數圍者皆拔、或中折。葢天意也。」（周密撰/呉企明点校/『癸辛雑識』唐宋史料筆記叢刊 中華書局 1997年 191頁）
204. 『高麗史』巻二十九 世家三十 忠烈王三 忠烈王十八年（八月）丁未（十九日）の条「忠烈王十八年 丁未、世子謁帝于紫檀殿、鄭可臣柳庇等随入、有丁右丞者奏、江南戦船、大則大矣、偶觸則毀、此前所以失利也、如使高麗造船、而再征之、日本可取、帝問征日本事、洪君祥進言曰、軍事至大、宣先遣使問諸高麗、然後行之、帝然之。」
205. 王惲『秋澗先生大全文集』巻四十 汎海小録「大小戦艦多為波浪揃触而砕、唯句麗（高麗）船堅得全、遂班師西運、」（川越泰博 1975, p. 28） (川越泰博「汎海小録の弘安の役記事について」『軍事史学』第11巻第1号、錦正社、1975年6月、26-34頁、NAID 40000814544。)
206. 大元朝に人質に出された高麗国王・高宗の子息・王綧の子。『元史』巻一百六十六 列傳第五十三 王綧・附阿剌帖木兒「十一年、進昭勇大將軍、従都元帥忽都征日本國、預有戰功。十五年、加鎭國上將軍、安撫使、高麗軍民總管、尋陞輔國上將軍、東征左副都元帥。十八年、復征日本、遇風涛、遂没於軍。」
207. 『元史』巻一百六十二 列傳第四十九 李庭「十七年、拜驃騎衞上將軍、中書左丞、東征日本、十八年、軍次竹島、遇風、船尽壞、庭抱壊船板、漂流抵岸、下收余衆、由高麗還京師、士卒存者十一二。」
208. 「たかしまのにしの浦よりわれのこり候ふねに、賊徒あまたこみのり候をはらいのけて、しかるへき物ともとおほえ候のせて、はやにけかへり候、と申に…」（『蒙古襲来絵詞』後巻・詞11・第9紙：大倉隆二 『「蒙古襲来絵詞」を読む』海鳥社、2007年 145頁）
209. 『蒙古襲来絵詞』詞十一「閏七月五日、御くりや（御厨）のかいしやうかつせん（海上合戦）は、とりのとき（酉の刻）にをしむかて、かつせん（合戦）をいたす」
210. 『筑後五條文書』少貳景資書状写「筑後国大小屋地頭香西小太郎度景申、□弘安四年閏七月五日於肥前国御厨子（千カ）崎海上、蒙古賊船三艘内、追懸大船致合戦、乗移敵船、度景令分取、舎弟廣度異賊入海中、親類□被□被疵、郎従或令打死、或負手、令分取候子細、致見知候由、所立申證人也、」（竹内理三編『鎌倉遺文』古文書編 第二十巻 東京堂出版 一五一五〇号）
211. 『豊後都甲文書』大神惟親軍忠状「豊後国御家人都甲左衛門五郎大神惟親法師法名寂妙謹言上、欲早任傍例、預御注進、蒙抽賞、去弘安四年後七月七日、肥前国鷹嶋蒙古合戦事、右、蒙古凶徒、着岸肥前国鷹嶋之間、馳向当国星鹿、彼七日、寂妙渡当嶋、於東浜、依致合戦忠、寂妙子息四郎惟遠、令分取畢、其上、郎従三郎二郎重遠被疵旗差下人一人弥六末守被疵畢、此次第、同国志手筑後房円範、上総三郎入道所令見知也、早預御注進、為蒙抽賞、恐々言 上如件、弘安九年三月 日 「（自著）沙弥寂妙（花押）」」（竹内理三編『鎌倉遺文』古文書編 第二十一巻 東京堂出版 一五八六七号）
212. 『肥前武雄神社文書』黒尾社大宮司藤原経門申状「肥前国御家人黒尾社大宮司藤原資門謹言上 欲早且依合戦忠節、且任傍例、預勲功賞去弘安四年遺賊合戦事、右、遺賊襲来之時、於千崎息乗移于賊船、資門乍被疵、生虜一人分取一人了、将又攻上鷹嶋棟原、致合戦忠之刻、生慮二人了、此等子細、於鎮西談議所、被経其沙汰、相尋証人等、被注進之処、相漏平均恩賞之条、愁吟之至、何事如之哉、且如傍例者、到越訴之輩、面々蒙其賞了、且資門自身被疵之条、宰府注進分明也、争可相漏平均軍賞哉、如承及者、防戦警固之輩、皆以蒙軍賞了、何自身手負資門不預忠賞、空送年月之条、尤可有御哀憐哉、所詮於所々戦場、或自身被疵、或分取生慮之条、証人等状幷宰府注進分明之上者、依合戦忠節、任傍例欲預平均軍賞、仍恐々言上如件、永仁四年八月 日」（竹内理三編『鎌倉遺文』古文書編 第二十五巻 東京堂出版 一九一三〇号）
213. 『高麗史』巻二十九 世家二十九 忠烈王二 忠烈王七年（十一月）壬午（二十日）の条「壬午、各道按廉使啓、東征軍九千九百六十名、梢工水手一萬七千二十九名、其生還者一萬九千三百九十七名。」
214. 『高麗史』の「東征軍九千九百六十名」とは高麗兵のことを指しており、蒙古・漢軍の生存者数は不明。以下は高麗兵約一万の地域的内訳である。『高麗史』巻二十九 世家二十九 忠烈王二 忠烈王六年（十一月）己酉（十一日）の条「見今所抄小邦軍額、京内二千五百、慶尚道二千三百九十、全羅道一千八百八十、忠清道一千九百、西海道一百九十、交州道一百六十、東界四百八十、捴計一萬人（実数九千五百人）、兵船楤九百艘、（大船）三百艘、合用梢工水手一萬八千、」
215. Turnbull 2010, p. 75. (Turnbull, Stephen (2010). The Mongol Invasions of Japan 1274 and 1281. Osprey.)
216. Bernardini، POLO, MARCO. (Bernardini, Michele (2008). "POLO, MARCO". Encyclopædia Iranica (in English). Archived from the original on 23 فوریه 2019.)
217. Polo, Marco (1982). ”12. Om Japan och Bortre Indiens öar”. Marco Polos resor i Asien 1271-1295. övers. Thordeman, Bengt. FORUM. sid. 220–223. ISBN 91-37-08045-8
218. Turnbull 2010, p. 71. (Turnbull, Stephen (2010). The Mongol Invasions of Japan 1274 and 1281. Osprey.)
219. 月村辰雄・久保田勝一本文翻訳、フランソワ・アヴリル、マリー＝テレーズ・グセ、小林典子・駒田亜紀子・黒岩三恵解説翻訳『全訳マルコ・ポーロ東方見聞録『驚異の書』fr.2810写本』岩波書店 2002年 147〜148頁
220. 『兼仲卿記弘安五年七月・九月巻裏文書』某事書「爲異國征伐、大和國寺僧國民被召之間、可蒙免許事、副衆徒申状（後略）」（竹内理三編『鎌倉遺文』古文書編 第十九巻 東京堂出版 一四四六〇号）
221. 『福岡県史』第一巻下冊 福岡県 1962年 63頁
222. 『元史』巻十二 本紀第十二 世祖九 至元十九年正月丙寅の条「丙寅、罷征東行中書省。」
223. 『元史』巻十二 本紀第十二 世祖九 至元十九年七月壬戌の条「高麗国王、請自造船一百五十艘、助征日本。」
224. 『元史』巻十二 本紀第十二 世祖九 至元十九年九月壬申の条「敕平灤、高麗、耽羅及揚州、隆興、泉州、共造大小船、三千艘。」
225. 『元史』巻十二 本紀第十二 世祖九 至元十九年五月庚辰の条「庚辰、議於平灤造船、發軍民合九千人、令探馬赤伯要帶領之、伐木於山、及取於寺觀墳墓、官酬其直、仍命桒哥遣人、督之。」
226. 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 日本國「二十年、命阿塔海爲日本省丞相、與徹里帖木兒右丞、劉二拔都兒左丞、募兵造舟、欲復征日本。淮西宣慰使昂吉兒上言民勞、乞寢兵。」
227. 『元史』巻十二 本紀第十二 世祖九 至元二十年五月甲戌の条「甲戌、發征日本重囚、往占城、緬國等處、從征。」
228. 『元史』巻十二 本紀第十二 世祖九 至元二十年正月壬申の条「命右丞闍里帖木兒及萬戸三十五人、蒙古軍習舟師者二千人、探馬赤萬人、習水戰者五百人征日本。」
229. 『元史』巻十二 本紀第十二 世祖九 至元二十年六月戊子の条「戊子、以征日本、民間騷動、盜賊竊發、忽都帖木兒、忙古帶、乞益兵禦寇、詔以興國江州軍、付之。」
230. 『元史』巻十二 本紀第十二 世祖九 至元二十年十月庚子の条「建寧路管軍總管黄華叛、衆幾十萬、號頭陀軍、僞稱宋祥興五年、犯崇安、浦城等縣、圍建寧府。招卜憐吉帶、史弼等將兵二萬二千人討平之。」
231. 『元史』巻一百六十二 列傳第四十九 劉国傑「會黄華反建寧、乃命國傑以征東兵會江淮参政伯顔等討之。」
232. 『元史』巻一百七十三 列傳第六十 崔彧「又言、江南盜賊、相挻而起、凡二百餘所、皆由拘刷水手、與造海船、民不聊生、激而成變。日本之役、宜姑止之。又江西四省軍需、宜量民力、勿強以土産所無、凡給物價及民者、必以實、召募水手、當從其所欲、伺民氣稍蘇、我力粗備、三二年后、東征未晩。世祖以爲不切、曰、爾之所言如射然、挽弓雖可觀、發矢則非是矣。」
233. 『高麗史』巻二十九 世家二十九 忠烈王二 忠烈王九年五月己卯（二十六日）の条「鄭仁卿等還自元言、帝寢東征之議、王命罷修艦調兵等事。」
234. 『善隣国宝記』巻上「南海觀音實陀禪寺住持如智海印接待庵記曰、癸未（至元二十年）八月、欽奉聖旨、同提擧王君治奉使和國、宿留海上八箇月、過黑水洋遭颶風云々、半月後、忽飄至寺山之外、幸不葬魚腹、大士力也、甲申（至元二十一年）四月、又奉聖旨、同（洪西行省）参（知）政（事）王積翁、再使倭國、五月十三日、開帆於鄞（慶元）、住耽羅十三日、住高麗合浦二十五日、七月十四日、舟次倭山對馬島。云々、危哉此時也、非大士孰生之、云々、至元二十八年、歳次辛卯六月日、宣差日本國奉使前住寶（補）陀五樂翁愚溪如智記」
235. 『善隣国宝記』巻上「又記宣諭日本國詔文曰、上天眷命皇帝、聖旨諭日本國王、向者彼先遣使入覲、朕亦命使相報、已有定言、想置於汝心而不忘也、頃因信使執而不返、我是以有舟師進問之役、古者兵交、使在其間、彼轍不交一語、而固拒王師、據彼已嘗抗敵、於理不宣遣使、茲有補陀禪寺長老如智等陳奏、若復興師致討多害生靈、彼中亦有佛教文學之化、豈不知大小強弱之理、如今臣等賚（齎）聖旨宣諭、則必多救生靈也、彼當自省懇心、歸附准奉、今遣長老如智、堤擧王君治、奉詔往彼、夫和好之外、無餘善焉、戰爭之外、無餘惡焉、果能審此歸順、即同去使來朝、所以諭乎彼者、朕其禍福之變、天命識之故、詔示、想宣知悉」
236. 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 日本國「二十一年、又以其俗尚佛、遣王積翁与補陀僧如智往使。舟中有不願行者、共謀殺積翁、不果至。」
237. 『元史』巻十三 本紀第十三 世祖十 至元二十一年十月月甲戌の条「甲戌、詔諭行中書省、凡征日本船及長年篙手、并官給鈔增價募之。」
238. 『元史』巻十三 本紀第十三 世祖十 至元二十二年十一月癸巳の条「癸巳、敕漕江淮米百萬石、泛海貯於高麗之合浦、仍令東京及高麗各貯米十萬石、備征日本。諸軍期於明年三月以次而發、八月會於合浦。」
239. 『元史』巻十三 本紀第十三 世祖十 至元二十二年十二月己亥の条「增阿塔海征日本戰士萬人、回回砲手五十人。己亥、從樞密院請、嚴立軍籍條例、選壯士及有力家充軍。敕樞密院、向以征日本故、遣五衞軍還家治裝、今悉選壯士、以正月一日到京師。江淮行省以戰船千艘習水戰江中。」
240. 『元史』巻一百六十八 列傳第五十五 劉宣「況日本海洋萬里、疆土濶遠、非二國可比、今次出帥、動衆履險、縱不遇風、可到彼岸、倭國地広、徒衆猥多、彼兵四集、我帥無援、万一不利、欲發救兵、其能飛渡耶、隋伐高麗、三次大擧、數見敗北、喪師百万、唐太宗以英武自負、親征高麗、雖取數城而還、徒增追悔、且高麗平壤諸城、皆居陸地、去中原不遠、以二國之衆加之、尚不能克、况日本僻在海隅、與中国相懸萬里哉、帝嘉納其言、」
241. 『元史』巻十四 本紀第十四 世祖十一 至元二十三年正月甲戌の条「甲戌、帝以日本孤遠島夷、重困民力、罷征日本、」
242. 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 日本國「二十三年、帝曰、日本未嘗相侵、今交趾犯邊。宜置日本、專事交趾。」
243. 『元史』巻十三 本紀第十三 世祖十 至元二十二年十月丁卯の条「塔海弟六十言、今百姓及諸投下民、倶令造船於女直、而女直又復發爲軍、工役繁甚。乃顔、勝納合兒兩投下鷹坊、採金等戸獨不調。有旨遣使發其民。」
244. 海老沢哲雄 1972, p. 43-44. (海老沢哲雄「モンゴル帝国の東方三王家に関する諸問題」『埼玉大学紀要 教育学部』第21巻、埼玉大学紀要 教育学部、1972年、31-46頁、NAID 40004093820。)
245. 『高麗史』巻三十一 世家三十一 忠烈王四 忠烈王二十年（正月）癸酉（二十二日）の条「癸酉、世祖皇帝崩。/罷造戰艦、時王入朝、欲陳東征不便、且以甲戌辛巳兩年之役、濱水材木、斫伐殆盡、造艦實難、冀緩其期、會帝晏駕、洪君祥白丞相完澤、遂寢東征。」
246. 『北条九代記』「正應五年七月、附商舶歸朝。大元燕公南獻牒状。」（山田安栄編『伏敵篇』1891年 巻之五54頁）
247. 『高麗史』巻三十 世家三十 忠烈王三 忠烈王十八年十月庚寅（三日）の条「冬十月庚寅、以太僕尹金有成、爲護送日本人、供驛署令郭鱗、爲書状官、」
248. 『高麗史』巻一百六 列伝十九 金有成「後日本僧鉗公來言、有成丁未七月五日病卒。」
249. 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 日本國「成宗大徳二年、江浙省平章政事也速答兒乞用兵日本。帝曰、今非其時、朕徐思之。」
250. 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 日本國「（成宗大徳）三年、遣僧寧一山者、加妙慈弘濟大師附商舶往使日本。而日本人竟不至。」
251. 『妙慈弘済大師行記』「飃簸而著于博多。本朝正安元也。舶主以書曰元帥府。府議曰、敵國命使不活矣。或曰、使命不活。然奈僧儀何。先編置豆州修禪寺。」（山田安栄編『伏敵篇』1891年 巻之六3頁）
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