SuperCharged WikiAll of Wikipedia's languages, in one article

Shang dynasty

Enhanced
From SuperCharged Wiki, written from every language edition of Wikipedia
Contents
  1. (Top)
  2. Names and terminology
  3. Traditional accounts and dynastic history
    1. Predynastic Shang and founding myth
    2. Overthrow of the Xia and the Early Shang period
    3. Dynastic succession disputes and the Middle Shang
    4. Relocation to Yin and Late Shang zenith
    5. Decline and fall of the dynasty
    6. Descendants and the Shang diaspora
  4. Absolute chronology
  5. Territory, capitals, and administrative structure
    1. Capitals and urban centers
    2. Road network, relay stations, and couriers
  6. Government and bureaucracy
    1. Land tenure, royal estates, and enfeoffment
  7. Military organization and warfare
    1. Weapons, chariots, and combat methods
  8. Society and culture
    1. Scholarly debate on the nature of Shang society
    2. Status of women and royal consorts
    3. Demographics and population estimates
  9. Religion and ritual practices
    1. Oracle bone divination and pyromancy
    2. Liturgical sacrifice and human immolation
    3. Burial customs and royal cemeteries
  10. Economy and material culture
    1. Bronze metallurgy and craftsmanship
  11. Writing system, science, and the arts
  12. Bronze Age archaeology and regional cultures
  13. Succession and list of rulers
  14. References
Shang dynasty
CapitalBo, Ao, Xiang, Geng, Bi, Yan, Yin, Zhaoge
GovernmentMonarchy
Common languageOld Chinese
ReligionShang folk religion, ancestor worship, and divination
Historical eraBronze Age
Chronological spanc. 1600 – 1046 BC
Preceded byXia dynasty
Succeeded byWestern Zhou dynasty

The Shang dynasty, also known as the Yin dynasty, was a royal dynasty that ruled the Yellow River valley during the second millennium BC, traditionally succeeding the Xia dynasty and followed by the Western Zhou dynasty. It is the earliest dynasty in traditional Chinese history firmly supported by archaeological evidence, contemporary written records on oracle bones, and bronze inscriptions. Centred in modern Henan, the Shang developed bronze metallurgy, walled settlements, an administrative apparatus, and a liturgical religion before being overthrown by the Zhou at the Battle of Muye.

Names and terminology

In oracle bone inscriptions from Anyang, the state was referred to as Shang, and its primary capital settlement was designated Dayi Shang, meaning Great Settlement of Shang.[1][2][3] The characters for Shang and Dayi Shang also appear on Western Zhou bronzes and the Shang Zun vessel cast by Shang people who submitted to Zhou rule. Passages in the Classic of Poetry, such as the poems Dang, Da Ming, Wen Wang, Xuan Niao, and Yin Wu, employ Shang, Yin, and Yin-Shang interchangeably. Early bronze inscriptions dated securely to the Western Zhou do not use Yin to designate the preceding dynasty.[4][5][6] In oracle bone inscriptions, the character Yin has been identified in three fragments, though whether the Shang people used it as an autonym remains disputed.

Sima Qian used the name Yin, taken from the final name of the last capital, to designate the dynasty, and in his work Shang and Yin are used interchangeably.[7][8] Sima Qian derived the dynastic name Shang from the fief granted to the ancestor Xie. The 3rd-century scholar Huangfu Mi wrote in the Records of Emperors and Kings that King Pan Geng changed the dynastic name to Yin upon moving the capital, leading subsequent historians to call the period before the move Shang and the period after Yin. In Japan, Korea, and Vietnam, the dynasty is predominantly known as In, Eun, and Ân respectively. Zhou-era divinations on plastrons at Zhouyuan use Yi Wang to refer to the Shang king, where Yi was an earlier settlement name west of Dayi Shang that evolved phonetically into Yin.[9]

Traditional accounts and dynastic history

Traditional accounts of the Shang are preserved in classical Chinese texts such as the Book of Documents, the Mencius, the Zuo Zhuan, the Bamboo Annals, and the Records of the Grand Historian.[10][11][12] Sima Qian compiled a genealogical and chronological narrative of the dynasty in the Annals of the Yin.[13][14] While Sima Qian described several reigns in detail, others received only the name of the king.[10][11][12] The succession of kings recorded in classical texts was demonstrated in the 20th century by Wang Guowei to match the sacrificial schedule preserved on excavated oracle bone inscriptions.[15][16][17]

Predynastic Shang and founding myth

According to the Annals of the Yin, the ancestry of the Shang traces back to Jiandi, the second wife of Emperor Ku.[13][14] Jiandi swallowed an egg dropped by a black bird and gave birth to Xie, also written as Qi.[13][14] Xie assisted Yu the Great in controlling the Great Flood, for which Emperor Shun granted him the ancestral surname Zi and the fiefdom of Shang.[13][14][18] Archaeological research associates the predynastic Shang with the Xiaqiyuan culture in southern Hebei and northern Henan, distributed along the eastern foothills of the Taihang Mountains.[19] The lineage passed through fourteen pre-dynastic generations, during which the ancestral leaders changed their settlement eight times.[20][21]

Xie's son Zhaoming settled at Dishi, and his grandson Xiangtu developed horse training and carts for transportation, expanding the clan's influence toward the Bohai Gulf and eastern coastal areas. Several generations later, Ming served as a water-control official under the Xia and died in service during the reign of the Xia king Zhu. Ming's son Wang Hai was the first ancestor designated Wang in oracle bone texts, where he is invoked in over 130 divinations.[合集 32916] Wang Hai expanded cattle herding and traded livestock with the neighbouring Youyi tribe, whose ruler Mianchen killed him and seized his herds. Wang Hai's brother Wang Heng reclaimed the cattle, and Wang Hai's son Shangjia Wei allied with the Hebo clan to destroy Mianchen and subjugate the Youyi.[合集 27083] Shangjia Wei heads the ancestral ritual cycle on oracle bones, appearing in more than 1,100 inscriptions.

Overthrow of the Xia and the Early Shang period

Sima Qian writes that the dynasty was founded thirteen generations after Xie, when Xie's descendant Tang overthrew Jie, the impious and cruel final Xia ruler.[15][22] After marrying Youxin Shi, Tang became one of the leading men of Jie, the last Xia king.[23][24] From his seat at Bo, Tang began preparing against the Xia ruling house, and after his successful revolt and the Battle of Mingtiao he took power over all the territories of the former hegemons.[23][24][25] Jie fled to Nanchao, ending the Xia dynasty.

Following the conquest of Xia, Tang took the throne, established his capital at Bo, and constructed Western Bo near the former Xia center of Zhenxun to monitor remnant populations. Tang's eldest son Da Ding died as crown prince before he could take the throne. Historical sources diverge regarding the immediate succession. The Records of the Grand Historian and Bamboo Annals state that Tang was succeeded by his younger sons Wai Bing for two years and Zhong Ren for four years before Da Ding's son Tai Jia took the throne. Oracle bone liturgical cycles arrange the lineage as Da Yi, Da Ding, Da Jia, Bu Bing, and Da Geng, indicating that Tai Jia received direct-line worship ahead of his uncles.

According to the chronicles, Tai Jia ignored the laws and did not listen to his advisers, and his chief official Yi Yin sent him into exile.[24] Yi Yin administered affairs as regent and composed admonitory texts including the Yi Xun and Si Ming. After three years of self-reflection, Tai Jia reformed his conduct, whereupon Yi Yin welcomed him back to the capital and restored authority to him, inaugurating an era of dynastic revival that earned Tai Jia the posthumous title Taizong. Alternative accounts in the Bamboo Annals claim that Yi Yin usurped the throne and was later killed by Tai Jia. Oracle bone texts list Yi Yin among the Former Lords, spirits some of whom held power over the weather, harvests, or war.[合集 33058][26]

Dynastic succession disputes and the Middle Shang

After Tai Jia's death, internal disorder followed, with kings changing rapidly on the throne; Xiao Jia improved the situation somewhat, and stability returned under his nephew Tai Wu, whose reign kept internal peace.[27] Tai Wu reportedly ruled for seventy-five years, receiving the temple name Zhongzong in traditional historiography. His brother Yong Ji presided over a subsequent decline, after which Tai Wu's sons Zhong Ding, Wai Ren, and He Dan Jia succeeded in turn. Succession disputes forced multiple relocations of the royal seat, as Zhong Ding moved the capital to Ao, He Dan Jia moved to Xiang, and Zu Yi moved to Geng and then to Bi.[27][28]

During the reign of Zu Yi, stability was temporarily restored with the assistance of minister Wu Xian's son Wu Xian, and Zu Yi received elevated ancestral status in Shang sacrifices comparable to Tang.[28] His successors Zu Xin and Wo Jia were followed by Zu Ding and Nan Geng, who moved the capital to Yan. Zu Ding's son Yang Jia fought campaigns against the Dan Shan Rong to the west. The frequent transfers of the royal seat have been linked to struggles over the succession and incursions by regional lords into the royal domain, and to frequent floods at a time when flood control was limited.[28]

Relocation to Yin and Late Shang zenith

Around 1300 BC, King Pan Geng moved the capital from Yan across the Yellow River to Beimeng, renaming it Yin, situated at the modern Yinxu site near Anyang.[15][16][17][29] The Book of Documents, written mainly under the following Zhou dynasty, is a collection of speeches of rulers such as Pan Geng.[30][31] The capital had moved several times before Pan Geng established Yin, from where the Shang dynasty was then ruled for about 250 years.[29][32][33] Pan Geng restored centralized control over the feudatories and appointed regional lords, including appointing the predynastic Zhou leader Ya Yu as Marquis of Bin.

Pan Geng was succeeded by his younger brothers Xiao Xin and Xiao Yi, who prepared the crown prince Wu Ding by sending him to live among common agricultural laborers and study under the scholar Gan Pan. When Wu Ding ascended the throne, he appointed Fu Yue as prime minister and initiated a period of military expansion and ritual reform.[34] Wu Ding conducted campaigns against over eighty surrounding frontier polities, including the Tu, Gui, Ba, Qiang, and Zhou.[34][35] His primary queen, Fu Hao, led military expeditions commanding up to 13,000 troops and presided over major state sacrifices.[36] The reign of Wu Ding produced the earliest surviving body of contemporary oracle bone inscriptions, marking the transition of Chinese history into a firmly documented era.[33][34][37]

Decline and fall of the dynasty

Following Wu Ding, his son Zu Jia reformed the ancestral sacrificial system, instituting a liturgical cycle of five sacrifice categories that gave the kings greater control over communication with the spirits.[38][39] In the traditional account, King Wu Yi was immoral, shooting arrows at a leather bag full of blood on the pretext of shooting at Heaven, and his punishment was death by lightning.[40][41] The rise of the state under Wu Yi gave way to decline and a strengthening of the Zhou tribes, which continued under Wen Ding, who could not help his vassals and allies against the Zhou.[42] Relations may have been briefly stabilized under King Di Yi, who, in Gu Jiegang's reading of a passage in the Book of Changes, married a Shang royal woman to Jili's son, King Wen of Zhou.

The final Shang monarch, Di Xin, also known as King Zhou of Shang, personally led at least one campaign against the Renfang before the Zhou attack.[42] The Zhou and the tribal alliance they had formed took advantage of the internal weakness of the Shang, and in 1046 BC a Zhou army led by Jiang Ziya defeated the disorganized Shang army at the Battle of Muye; some accounts say the battle was lost through the army's betrayal.[43][44] Di Xin killed himself by setting fire to his palace.[43]

Descendants and the Shang diaspora

After the Shang defeat, King Wu of Zhou permitted Di Xin's son, Wu Geng, to govern the Shang heartland as a vassal kingdom, while stationing three Zhou royal brothers to supervise the territory.[45][46][47][48] Following King Wu's death, Wu Geng joined the Three Guards in an armed rebellion against the regent Duke of Zhou, but the uprising was crushed after three years of fighting.[45][49] The Zhou administration forcibly relocated surviving Shang royal clans across Zhou territory, scattering them in modern Shaanxi, Luoyang, and the northeastern frontier.[50] Many survivors adopted the surname Yin, retaining their aristocratic status and serving as administrative specialists under the Zhou bureaucracy.

The Duke of Zhou enfeoffed Di Xin's elder half-brother, Weizi Qi, as the Duke of Song, establishing a capital at Shangqiu to maintain ancestral sacrifices to the deceased Shang kings under the principle of enfeoffing descendants of former royal houses.[51][52][53][54] The State of Song preserved Shang ritual traditions until it was conquered by the State of Qi in 286 BC.[51][54] Confucius was regarded as a patrilineal descendant of the Shang kings through the ducal house of Song.[51][52][53] During the Eastern Han dynasty, Kong An was granted the title Duke of Song and Duke Who Continues and Honours the Yin.[55][56][57] Other Shang lineages migrated northeast and integrated into the State of Yan, maintaining Shang burial and sacrificial practices, while another branch established the vassal state of Guzhu near Tangshan.[58][59][60][61][62][63]

East Asian historical traditions, including accounts in the Book of Documents and Bamboo Annals, report that Di Xin's uncle Jizi refused to submit to the Zhou and led a contingent of Shang followers northeast to modern Korea, where he allegedly founded Gija Joseon during the Gojoseon period. While cited in traditional genealogies, modern historians debate the historical reliability of the Jizi migration, with some viewing it as a later Han-era etiology.

Absolute chronology

Establishing precise calendar dates for the Shang dynasty has generated scholarly debate due to contradictory transmission lineages in ancient texts, astrological calculations, and variations in radiocarbon calibration.[64][65][66] The earliest securely established year in ancient Chinese history is the beginning of the Gonghe Regency in 841 BC during the Western Zhou dynasty.[64][65] For the fall of the Shang dynasty, modern historians have proposed at least forty-four distinct dates, spanning between 1130 BC and 1018 BC.[67][68][69]

Traditional calculations made by Liu Xin during the Han dynasty dated the Shang from 1766 to 1122 BC.[70][71][72] An analysis based on the old text of the Bamboo Annals yielded a span from 1523 to 1027 BC.[70][71][72] Combining textual astronomical records with planetary conjunctions, David Pankenier identified a conjunction of five planets in 1576 BC and proposed that the dynasty began in 1554 BC and fell in 1046 BC.[70][71][72][73][74][75][76] David Nivison and Edward Shaughnessy deduced an end date of 1045 BC from their analysis of lunar eclipse records and the Bamboo Annals.[77][78][79][80] The multidisciplinary Xia–Shang–Zhou Chronology Project organized by the Chinese government identified the founding of the dynasty with the Erligang-period walled settlement at Yanshi, establishing a duration of c. 1600 to 1046 BC.[81][82][83][84][85][86] Accelerator mass spectrometry radiocarbon dating of oracle bones from late Shang strata at Anyang produced an overthrow date centered around 1041 BC, with a margin of error of approximately ten years.[87][88][89]

Territory, capitals, and administrative structure

The political geography of the Shang dynasty was structured into concentric operational zones: the royal inner domain (Neifu), the outer domain (Waifu), and the external peripheral territories (Sifang).[90] The inner domain was centered around the royal capital and comprised agricultural estates, pastures, and craft production settlements under direct monarchical control. Historical texts describe this central realm as extending approximately 1,100 li across modern northern Henan, southern Shanxi, and southern Hebei, bounded by Mount Taihang, Mount Mengmen, Mount Changshan, and the Yellow River. Archaeological distributions demonstrate that direct Shang administration reached Dingzhou and Quyang in Hebei to the north, Tai'an and Sishui in Shandong to the east, Huaiyang and Yancheng in Henan to the south, and the Fen River valley in Shanxi to the west.

The outer domain comprised regional feudal estates, military garrisons, and allied tribal polities. Frontier defense points known as Dian were administered by royal appointees to secure boundaries, while hereditary chiefs of incorporated communities received noble ranks such as Hou (marquis) and Bo (count).[91][92][93] Outside this perimeter lay foreign tribal groups designated by the collective term Fang, who periodically submitted tribute or raided royal borders, including the Tufang, Guifang, Qiangfang, and Renfang.[35][94][95] Beyond the zone of direct political control, the cultural influence of the Shang reached coastal Liaoning, the middle Yangtze basin, Shaanxi, and southern Shandong.

Capitals and urban centers

Historiographical texts record that the Shang changed their capital five or six times after the overthrow of the Xia, following eight relocations during the predynastic period.[16][21] Tang initially ruled from Bo, commonly associated with the walled site of Zhengzhou or Yanshi Shang City.[25][96] Under Zhong Ding, the capital was moved to Ao (near modern Xingyang or Zhengzhou); He Dan Jia moved to Xiang (in Neihuang, Henan); Zu Yi established capitals at Geng (in Xingtai, Hebei) and Bi (near Yuncheng, Shandong); Nan Geng transferred the seat to Yan (in Qufu, Shandong); and Pan Geng settled the court at Yin (Yinxu at Anyang), which remained the capital for over two and a half centuries.[16][28][29] During the final reign of Di Xin, Chaoge served as an auxiliary capital.

Shang urban planning utilized rammed-earth (hangtu) construction methods inherited from the Neolithic Longshan culture.[97][98][99][100] At Zhengzhou, the 15th-century BC defensive walls rose 8 meters high, measured 20 meters wide at the base, and formed a rectangular enclosure with a perimeter of 7 kilometers surrounding an urban core of 300 hectares.[97][98][99][100][101][102][103][104] At Yanshi, the walled city spanned nearly 200 hectares, with organized gates and drainage channels.[105][106][107] At Yinxu, the palatial district at Xiaotun covered 200 hectares inside a protective ditch measuring 1,800 meters in length, supporting fifty-three large timber-frame buildings built on pounded-earth platforms with stone pillar bases.[96][108][109][110][111]

Road network, relay stations, and couriers

The late Shang state developed a radial road transportation network centered on the capital at Yin to facilitate troop movements, administrative oversight, and economic extraction. Oracle bone texts and archaeological surveys trace six principal arterial routes radiating from Yin: a southeastern road connecting to the Huai River and Shandong; a northeastern road leading toward northern Hebei and Chaoyang in Liaoning; an eastern road extending to the ancient state of Pugu in Shandong; a southern route running to Hubei and Hunan; a western route along the Wei River into Shaanxi; and a northwestern highway crossing the Taihang Mountains toward Shanxi.

Archaeological discoveries at Huanbei Shang City uncovered major dual-carriageway thoroughfares measuring 8.35 meters wide, containing wheel-rut impressions spaced 2.2 meters apart, corresponding to the standard axle track of Shang horse chariots. Excavations at the Yanshi Shang site revealed straight paved roadways with a crowned surface to channel rainwater into stone-lined drainage culverts covered with wooden planks. Along royal highways, the government maintained permanent security and logistics posts known as Yetui. To accommodate travelling nobles, officials, and couriers, the court established a sequential system of post houses called Ji, which provided lodging and horse-stabling facilities. Official communications were carried by designated runners and horse messengers who delivered royal commands directly without relay interruption.

Government and bureaucracy

The Shang king was the supreme political, military, and religious ruler of the state, referring to himself in royal proclamations and oracle inscriptions as Yu Yiren (I, the One Man).[112][113] The title expressed royal humility and personal accountability before Heaven and ancestral spirits. The monarch exercised direct control over royal estates, commanded the armed forces, and directed state sacrifices.[112][114][115][116] In early Shang reigns, the monarch was advised by a single chief minister (Xiang), a role exemplified by Yi Yin under Tang. In later reigns, this post evolved into a dual-chancellorship and ultimately into the San Gong (Three Ducal Ministers) system under Wu Ding, comprising the positions of Grand Preceptor (Taishi), Grand Tutor (Taifu), and Grand Protector (Taibao).

The administrative apparatus was organized into an outer court (waiting) handling public state functions and an inner court (neiting) serving the king's personal household. The outer court included the Duo Yin (Many Overseers), executive secretaries (Qingshi), economic superintendents, judicial officers, and military commanders. The inner court consisted of domestic stewards (Zai), chamberlains (Qin), and personal retainers (Xiaochen). Over time, personal household officials increasingly absorbed executive responsibilities, creating formal governmental agencies. Special envoys designated as Eastern Scribe, Western Scribe, and Northern Censor were stationed in regional provinces to inspect local administrations, participate in political decisions, and coordinate military campaigns.

The bureaucracy included an office titled "many craftsmen", whose holder headed craftsmen and works, and court titles of "minor servant", such as the minor servant for cultivation and the minor servant for workers.[117] Ritual dancers and court musicians were coordinated by officials such as the Dashi, Shaoshi, and Duowan.

Land tenure, royal estates, and enfeoffment

The Shang monarch held ultimate nominal ownership over all land within the kingdom, exercising the prerogative to reclaim, reassign, and distribute estates. Royal estates were carved out across the realm through state-organized reclamation projects known as Poutian, where dependent laborers cleared wasteland under ministerial supervision. Harvests from royal domains were stored in fortified local granaries designated as South Granary or Yi Granary, which were regularly inspected by visiting royal inspectors. Oracle inscriptions record that kings could seize settled estates directly from local marquises, such as the confiscation of three settlements belonging to the Marquis of Zheng.

Territory was allocated to aristocrats and regional allies through formal enfeoffment (Cefeng). The king inscribed charters on official documents, detailing the boundaries, town names, and obligations attached to each grant.[118] Feudal recipients included royal consorts, royal princes (Zhuzi), meritorious civil ministers, and tribal chieftains who submitted to Shang overlordship.[118][119] Enfeoffed lords enjoyed administrative autonomy over their lands but owed mandatory duties to the crown, including defending border zones, providing military contingents for royal campaigns, supplying tribute in livestock and raw materials, sending turtle plastrons for court divination, and providing corvée labor for public projects.[93][118][120][121]

Military organization and warfare

The military apparatus was central to the survival and expansion of the Shang dynasty.[122][123][124][125] The king served as commander-in-chief, leading campaigns in person or delegating authority to seasoned generals such as Zhi Cheng, Hou Xi, and Queen Fu Hao.[36][126][127] In peace, aristocrats governed civil settlements; in war, they mobilized local troops.[122][125][128][129] The standing royal guard maintained at the capital numbered around one thousand soldiers.[122][124][125][130] For border raids and defensive expeditions, the crown levied regional conscripts (Dengren), mustering standard forces of 3,000 to 5,000 troops, while major suppressions of hostile tribal confederations mobilized armies exceeding 10,000 to 13,000 men.[122][124][125][126]

The Shang army was organized into three primary operational wings: the Left, Right, and Center divisions.[131][132][133] Units were structured in decimal divisions, using squads of 100 men as the basic tactical unit and battalions of 300 men as intermediate units, led by commanders titled Ya, Tuoya, and Shizhang.[134] Military intelligence and perimeter defenses were maintained by specialized border patrols, dog officers (Quan), and archer units.[93][121][134] Signaling across battlefields and along frontier garrisons was conducted using drums, horns, and smoke beacons.

Weapons, chariots, and combat methods

Shang infantry were equipped with stone and bronze weapons, including dagger-axes (ge), spearmen pikes (mao), broad combat axes (yue), composite recurve bows, and short bronze swords.[127][135][136][137][138][139][140][141] The Shang royal Tomb 1004 at Houjiazhuang in Anyang yielded many weapons, including seventy bundles of ten bronze spears each, which suggests that the Shang may have had set rules for storing weapons. Soldiers wore heavy protective armor fabricated from layers of treated animal hide, woven bamboo, and fabric lining, topped with cast bronze helmets or stiffened leather helmets.[135][136][138][139][140][141][142] Reflex composite bows had draw weights capable of piercing bone at effective ranges of 60 to 70 meters.[137][143][144]

Two-horse spoke-wheeled war chariots were introduced into Shang China around 1200 BC during the reign of Wu Ding, likely originating through connections with pastoralist cultures in the northern Eurasian steppes, such as the Karasuk or Deer Stones cultures.[114][145][146][147][148][149][150] Each chariot carried an aristocratic three-man crew: a driver in the center, an archer on the left, and a dagger-axe halberdier on the right.[151][152][153] Shang chariots featured large spoked wheels and wide square wooden boxes lined with bronze fittings, utilized primarily for mobile command, archery assault, and ceremonial prestige.[151][152][153][154] In eastern campaigns against the Dongyi, Shang commanders also employed tamed war elephants, which were then widespread in the Central Plains.

Society and culture

Shang society was stratified into royal elites, noble lineages, commoner agriculturalists and craftspeople, and captured war prisoners.[91][155][156][157] The basic unit of social organization was the patrilineal clan (zu), whose members lived together in nucleated walled settlements and shared collective ancestral cemeteries.[158][159][160] Elite lineages traced descent across five ancestral generations (Yuan, Zu, Zong, Shi, and Xiaoshi). Marriage was governed by bilateral rules, permitting intermarriage beyond five generations, with elite houses intermarrying with neighboring clans to consolidate territorial alliances.

Commoners (Zhong or Zhongren) constituted the vast majority of the productive population, farming community agricultural plots under village headmen.[155][157] They provided grain revenues, performed corvée duties on state fortifications, and filled the ranks of the conscript infantry.[161] Domestic servants and craft specialists occupied intermediate statuses within urban workshop precincts. Royal tombs show that deceased monarchs were accompanied in death by sacrificed followers, comprising royal bodyguards and personal attendants buried with weapons alongside the central burial chamber, as well as bound war captives decapitated in sacrificial trenches.[162][163][164][165]

Scholarly debate on the nature of Shang society

The socio-economic character of the Shang dynasty has been a subject of historiographical debate among 20th- and 21st-century scholars. Mid-20th-century Marxist historians, notably Guo Moruo and Fan Wenlan, argued that the Shang was a slave-based society, interpreting the widespread discovery of human sacrifices and mass graves at Yinxu as evidence of slave production.[161] In contrast, scholars such as David Keightley, Shima Kunio, and Hu Houxuan argued that oracle bone records contain no evidence of commodified slave labor or chattel markets. Researchers who re-excavated sacrificial pits at Anyang from 2013 concluded that the Qiang war captives used as sacrificial victims were not slaves and had not lived and worked in the Yinxu area for long after their capture.

Some historians characterize Shang society as a clan-based feudal monarchy or segmentary state. Historian Chao Fulin argued that Shang economic production rested on free peasant members of clan communes (Zhongren) who paid agricultural tribute and provided labor services under communal lineage frameworks. The term chumin in classical texts was reinterpreted not as captive livestock-people, but as nurtured subjects maintained by royal benevolence. Scholars who reject the slave-society thesis argue that burials at Yinxu show free commoners making up 82 to 87 percent of the Shang population and slaves only around 3 percent, and that this bears no comparison with the slave economies of classical Greece.

Status of women and royal consorts

Elite women enjoyed considerable autonomy, legal status, and administrative influence during the Shang dynasty, contrasting with the patriarchal restrictions established later under Zhou ritual law.[166] Royal wives held their own personal estates, collected regional revenues, and oversaw agricultural projects. Oracle texts identify female scribes (Nüshi) and administrative officials (Nüxiaochen) serving within the court apparatus. Noblewomen conducted official divinations, managed ancestral rituals, and received independent ancestral sacrifices upon their deaths, with temple tablets consecrated separately in their honor.[167]

Queen Fu Hao, one of the sixty-four consorts of King Wu Ding, represents the most prominent documented female leader of the Bronze Age.[36][168] Inscribed bones record that she led military campaigns commanding 13,000 troops against the Qiang, Tu, and Ba polities, organized military strategy, and conducted state sacrifices to high ancestors.[36] When her undisturbed tomb (Tomb 5) was excavated at Xiaotun in 1976, it yielded 1,928 burial goods, including 440 bronze implements, 130 weapons, 790 jade sculptures, and 109 vessels cast with her name, corroborating textual accounts of her military and religious authority.[36][168][169][170][171][172][173][174][175][176][177][178][179][180][181][182][183][184][185][186][187][188]

Demographics and population estimates

Because no nationwide census records survive from the Shang period, demographic calculations remain approximations based on urban surveys, cemetery capacities, and agricultural carrying capacity.[189] Historian Song Zhenhao estimated that the population of the Shang realm was approximately 4 to 4.5 million in the early period, rising to 7.8 million during the middle period, and reaching between 8 and 10 million near the end of the dynasty.[190] During the reigns of Di Yi and Di Xin, the urban population of the royal capital settlement at Yinxu is estimated to have reached at least 146,000 residents. Historical geographer Ge Jianxiong concluded that while overall figures remain uncertain, the late Shang kingdom supported a population of at least 5 million people.[191]

Religion and ritual practices

Shang religion integrated the worship of supreme deities, natural powers, and dynastic royal ancestors.[192][193][194][195][196][197] The supreme deity, Di (or Shangdi), ruled over atmospheric phenomena, wind, rain, and thunder, and held power over harvest fertility and the outcomes of military campaigns.[114][115][116][194][198][199][200] Di was conceived as a remote divine authority who commanded lesser spirits but did not receive direct ancestral sacrifices.[194][201] Instead, the Shang king petitioned his royal ancestors to intercede with Di on behalf of the living dynasty, establishing the monarch as the principal ritual intermediary between heaven and earth.[112][114][115][116][194]

Natural spirits in the Shang pantheon included powers governing the Yellow River (He), Mount Song (Yue), the Earth (Tu or She), the Sun (Ri), the Moon, and the Four Cardinal Directions (Sifang).[192][193][195][196][202][203][204][205][206] The spirit world was organized hierarchically, with nature spirits requiring periodic propitiation with jade, bronze vessels, and animal offerings to prevent river floods and agricultural drought.[203][206] The ancestral pantheon was split into pre-dynastic clan founders, early dynastic monarchs, collateral kings, and royal ancestral mothers, with offerings directed to specific posthumous names assigned from the ten heavenly stems.[192][195][196][207][208][209]

Oracle bone divination and pyromancy

Divination guided public and royal decisions during the Shang dynasty.[210][211][212][213] Known as pyromancy, the procedure involved preparing bovine shoulder blades (scapulae) or turtle carapaces (plastrons) by scraping, polishing, and drilling hemispherical pits into the bone's reverse side.[212][213][214][215] A heated bronze poker or burning charcoal was applied to these cavities, causing thermal expansion that produced T-shaped cracks on the surface.[213][215][216] A diviner then interpreted these cracks to read the answer given by the spirit that had been consulted.[210][212][213][215][216]

After divination, scribes carved records of the ritual onto the bone surface in oracle bone script (jiaguwen).[37][213][215][216][217] A standard inscription contained four components: a preface recording the date and diviner's name; a charge stating the topic of inquiry; a prognostic reading interpreted by the king; and a verification recording the subsequent event.[213][215][218] Divination topics encompassed weather, harvest yields, childbearing, toothaches, royal journeys, military tactics, tribute deliveries, and sacrificial scheduling.[215][219][220] Over 150,000 carved bone fragments have been recovered from Yinxu and related sites, documenting court concerns during the late Shang era.[221][222][223]

Liturgical sacrifice and human immolation

During the later Shang period, sacrificial rituals were organized into a calendar cycle comprising five distinct ritual performances: Yi, Ji, Zai, Xie, and Yong.[39][224] This ritual sequence rotated across the ancestral roster over cycles of 36 to 37 ten-day weeks, spanning a full solar year.[39][225] Sacrifices were presented in ancestral temples, featuring fermented millet wine poured from bronze tripods, grains, fabrics, and slaughtered livestock including cattle, sheep, pigs, and dogs.[39][226][227] Excavations indicate that the late Shang sacrificial economy processed thousands of domestic animals annually to sustain ancestral offerings.

Human sacrifice (renji) and companion burial (renxun) were features of state religion.[163][164][165][228][229] Oracle bone records document at least 14,197 human sacrificial victims across 1,145 inscriptions.[229][230] Individual royal ceremonies consumed dozens to hundreds of victims at a time, consisting primarily of Qiang prisoners captured during western military raids.[164][227][228][231] Methods of sacrificial execution recorded in inscriptions and confirmed by excavation included decapitation, burning, drowning, and burying alive.[39][232] Sacrificial frequency peaked during the reign of Wu Ding and declined under his successors, reaching its lowest level under Di Yi and Di Xin.[233]

Burial customs and royal cemeteries

Royal burials at Anyang were located in the Xibeigang cemetery north of the Huan River.[234][235] Its royal tombs, of cruciform plan and oriented north to south, are arranged in two groups of seven and five, each with a central pit reached by ramps.[236] At the center of each pit, a wooden burial chamber held the royal coffin, surrounded by shelves and pits containing ritual bronzes, weapons, and accompanying human victims.[164][165][236][237] Pounded-earth ceremonial halls were erected directly over the tomb shafts to serve as ancestral sacrificial venues.[236]

Elite graves were stocked with grave goods intended for use in the afterlife, including jade ceremonial blades, bronze dining vessels, sets of stone chimes, chariot assemblies, and cowrie shells.[168][170][171][172][174][175][176][179][180][181][185][186][187] While the major cruciform tombs at Xibeigang were looted in antiquity, the undisturbed tomb of Queen Fu Hao contained 440 bronze items, 755 jade objects, 550 bone items and 7,000 cowrie shells.[36][168][174][175][176][178][179][180][181][182][184][185][186][187][188][238] Commoners were buried in simple pit graves without ramps, containing gray earthenware vessels and personal bone tools.

Economy and material culture

The Shang economy was rooted in intensive agriculture, supplemented by stockbreeding, hunting, and state-controlled craft manufacture.[239][240][241][242] Northern China had a warmer, more humid climate during the second millennium BC, enabling an extended growing season.[240][243] Foxtail and broomcorn millet served as the staple cereal grains, complemented by wheat, barley, and irrigated rice along marsh margins.[240][244][245] Farmers worked collective fields using wooden ards, bone shovels, and stone sickles, with bronze tools reserved primarily for forest clearance and carpentry.[240][246] Sericulture and silk weaving were practiced, with woven plain tabbies and damasks produced for aristocratic garments.[247]

Animal husbandry supplied livestock for consumption, sacrifice, and transport.[239][241][242][248] Farmers and pastoral officials bred cattle, sheep, pigs, dogs, and chickens, alongside horses used for chariot traction.[247][248][249] Natural shells of sea snails (cowries) served as a recognized medium of commercial exchange.[250][251][252][253] Cowrie shells were used in place of money at first, and bronze was used later.[251][254][255][256]

Bronze metallurgy and craftsmanship

Shang bronze casting represented a sophisticated metallurgical industry.[257][258][259][260][261] Unlike the lost-wax casting practiced in the ancient Near East, Shang artisans used the piece-mold technique.[262][263] Craftsmen first sculpted a clay model of the desired object, coated it with a clay outer jacket, carved the outer layer into segmented mold pieces, scraped down the original core to create a pouring space, and poured molten copper-tin-lead alloy into the assembled mold.[263] This method allowed the transfer of intricate low-relief patterns and sharp corners directly from the mold sections onto the vessel surface.[263]

Bronze objects were categorized into specific ceremonial vessels for heating and serving sacrificial food and wine: ding cauldrons, jue tripods, gu chalices, you containers, and fanglei flasks.[264][265][266] Sumptuary codes regulated the quantity and types of bronze vessels that noble lineages could possess according to their ranks.[257][260][261] The Houmuwu Ding, found at Anyang and dated to the reign of King Wen Wu Ding, weighs 875 kilograms, stands 133 centimeters tall and measures 110 centimeters long. It is one of the well-known examples of the very high level that bronze casting reached toward the end of the Shang dynasty.[32] Surface decorations frequently featured the taotie motif, depicting a stylized animal face with prominent eyes, horns, fangs, and claws, framed by thunder-spiral meanders (leiwen).[267][268][269]

Writing system, science, and the arts

The script preserved on oracle bones and bronze vessels represents the earliest fully developed Chinese writing system.[37][217][270][271][272] The writing system employed approximately 4,672 distinct characters, of which modern epigraphers have deciphered over 1,000.[271] Shang scribes used the primary formative principles of later Chinese lexicography: pictograms (representing objects directly), ideograms (conveying abstract concepts), semantic compounds, and phono-semantic complexes (combining a phonetic element with a semantic radical).[273] Characters were carved onto bone with bronze chisels or painted on stone and bamboo slips using brushes and ink.[270][274]

Astronomy and calendrical computation were closely tied to royal divination and agricultural management.[272] Astronomers recorded lunar eclipses, solar eclipses, novae, comets, and the motions of Mars and Jupiter.[272][275][276][277] The calendar was organized around a 60-day sexagenary cycle formed by pairing the ten Heavenly Stems with the twelve Earthly Branches.[278][279][280] The calendar year had twelve lunar months of 29 or 30 days, with an extra month added at the end of some years to bring the lunar months into line with the solar year.

Musical instruments included sets of bronze clapperless bells (nao), tuned stone chimes (qing), clay and bone globular flutes (xun), and panpipes (daxiao).[281][282][283] Instruments were played during court banquets, military parades, and temple sacrifices. Ritual dances accompanied ancestral offerings, with performers wielding feathers, battle-axes, and ox tails to invoke spiritual protection.

Bronze Age archaeology and regional cultures

Before the 20th century, the historical existence of the Shang was known only from later texts.[96][108][111] In 1899, scholars Wang Yirong and Liu E recognized that Chinese pharmacists were selling inscribed tortoise plastrons and ox bones as medicinal dragon bones.[96][108][111] In 1928, the Academia Sinica initiated systematic archaeological excavations near Anyang at Yinxu, uncovering the late Shang capital, royal tombs, and archives of inscribed oracle bones.[96][108][111] Subsequent excavations after 1950 identified earlier Bronze Age urban settlements at Erlitou, Yanshi, Zhengzhou, and Huanbei, demonstrating a developmental progression across the second millennium BC.[96][97][99][100][105][107][108][111][284][285][286][287]

Discoveries across China revealed that the Shang state coexisted with independent regional bronze cultures.[288][289][290][291] In Sichuan, the Sanxingdui culture flourished contemporaneously, producing large bronze figures, gold foils, and jade blades with artistic traditions distinct from Anyang and without writing.[288][290][291][292][293] Along the middle Yangtze River, the Panlongcheng site in Hubei served as an outpost of Erligang material culture, while the Wucheng culture in Jiangxi developed local stoneware and bronze tools featuring incised symbols distinct from oracle bone characters.[294][295][296][297][298][299][300][301][302][303][304][305][306][307] Mitochondrial DNA studies from human remains at Yinxu show maternal genetic affinities with modern northern Han populations and divergence from southern Han groups.[308]

Succession and list of rulers

The genealogical order of Shang kings has been reconstructed by correlating classical texts with the ritual succession recorded on oracle bones.[309][310][311] Posthumous names on oracle bones combine a distinguishing genealogical or moral prefix (such as Da, Xiao, Zu, or Wen) with one of the ten Heavenly Stems designating the ancestral sacrifice day.[207][209] Kwang-chih Chang and others proposed that the royal house formed two groups, one using the Jia and Yi stems and one using Ding in posthumous names, which took turns supplying kings across generations. Matsumaru Michio pointed out problems with this view and proposed instead that kingship rotated periodically among four leading clans, Jia, Yi, Bing and Ding.[312] However, epigraphic studies indicate that succession was predominantly patrilineal, frequently passing from elder brother to younger brother before descending to the next generation's eldest direct heir.

The traditional list of Shang kings, with their oracle bone names and reign estimates derived from the Xia–Shang–Zhou Chronology Project and David Nivison, is as follows:

Da Yi (Tang, Chengtang; c. 1600 BC), Da Ding (crowned prince, died before enthronement), Bu Bing (Wai Bing), Zhong Ren, Da Jia (Tai Jia), Wo Ding, Da Geng (Tai Geng), Xiao Jia, Da Wu (Tai Wu), Lü Ji (Yong Ji), Zhong Ding, Bu Ren (Wai Ren), Jian Jia (He Dan Jia), Zu Yi, Zu Xin, Qiang Jia (Wo Jia), Zu Ding, Nan Geng, Xiang Jia (Yang Jia), Pan Geng (relocated capital to Yin, c. 1300 BC), Xiao Xin, Xiao Yi, Wu Ding (c. 1250–1192 BC), Zu Geng, Zu Jia, Lin Xin, Geng Ding (Kang Ding), Wu Yi (c. 1147–1113 BC), Wen Wu Ding (Wen Ding), Di Yi (c. 1101–1076 BC), and Di Xin (King Zhou; c. 1075–1046 BC).[313][314]

Where editions disagree (3)
Chronological span of the Shang dynasty
  • English: Dates span from c. 1600 to 1046 BC according to the Xia–Shang–Zhou Chronology Project, 1766 to 1122 BC by Liu Xin, and 1523 to 1027 BC by the old Bamboo Annals.
  • Chinese: Dating spans from the 17th century BC to the 11th century BC, with King Tang reigning c. 1600 BC and the fall in 1046 BC.
  • French: Dating spans from around 1570 to 1045 BC, succeeding Erlitou and Erligang cultures.
  • Russian: Dating spans from 1554 BC to 1046 BC.
  • German: Dating spans from the 18th century BC to around the 11th century BC.
  • Swedish: Dating spans from the first half of the 16th century BC to 1045/46 BC, with astronomical modeling suggesting 1554 BC to 1046 BC.
Number of capital relocations after dynastic founding
  • English: The Records of the Grand Historian states that the Shang moved their capital five times, ending with Pan Geng's move to Yin.
  • Chinese: Historical records indicate eight moves before Tang and five moves after founding the dynasty.
  • French: Historiographical tradition records capital relocations occurring six times.
  • Catalan: Sima Qian states that the Shang moved their capital seven times.
  • Russian: The Records of the Grand Historian states the Shang chiefs moved their capital six times.
Nature of Shang socio-economic structure
  • Chinese: Shang society was a clan-based feudal monarchy relying on communal peasant labor (Zhongren) with minimal domestic slavery, rejecting the classical slave-society thesis.
  • German: The Shang state practiced excessive human sacrifice and forced labor using large numbers of interned prisoners of war.
  • Czech: Shang society was an outright slave-owning society.
  • Portuguese: Scholars debate whether the Shang economy was slave-based or an early feudal structure with free peasants subject to coerced labor.
Sources (91 Wikipedia editions)

The Chinese and French editions provide extensive details on administrative ranks, inner and outer court offices, and the debate surrounding clan feudalism versus slave society that are not found in the English article. The Ukrainian, German, and Chinese editions supply granular data on arterial roads, post-station networks, and osteological analyses of human sacrificial victims. Regional archaeological comparisons with the Erlitou, Panlongcheng, and Sanxingdui cultures are significantly amplified by the French, Catalan, and Japanese texts.

Assembled from the Wikipedia articles below, each pinned to the revision read on 2026-09-27. Together they hold 985 references; the English article alone has 38.

EditionArticleRevisionSizeRefs
EnglishShang dynasty137279609062.6 KB38
Chinese商朝94289919208.2 KB15
UkrainianДинастія Шан48750455112.7 KB214
FrenchDynastie Shang237943559102.3 KB111
CatalanDinastia Shang3821255764.1 KB37
SlovenianDinastija Šang671645052.7 KB24
SwedishShangdynastin5970035646.1 KB165
RussianШан (династия)15300772543.9 KB8
HungarianSang-dinasztia2921429643.1 KB53
MalayDinasti Shang663769742.6 KB32
SerbianДинастија Шанг3172180037.8 KB26
Japanese殷11080149934.4 KB24
Khmerរាជវង្សសាង20204632.7 KB0
VietnameseNhà Thương7530845927.6 KB3
BulgarianШан1238554227.0 KB1
SpanishDinastía Shang17492717122.3 KB11
CroatianDinastija Shang758440920.6 KB25
DutchShang-dynastie7089167519.9 KB1
BosnianDinastija Shang392620419.6 KB27
Serbian (Latin)Dinastija Shang4267322019.5 KB26
Hebrewשושלת שאנג4274114319.0 KB0
GermanShang-Dynastie26548996517.9 KB10
Persianدودمان شانگ4044824717.4 KB2
NorwegianShang-dynastiet2350271017.3 KB0
BashkirШан (династия)118656616.9 KB5
ItalianDinastia Shang15213977316.9 KB23
Korean상나라4219958616.5 KB5
BelarusianШан (дынастыя)451940715.9 KB0
Arabicسلالة شانغ7658791115.6 KB10
Thaiราชวงศ์ชาง1292738114.7 KB1
DanishShang-dynastiet1210210214.0 KB1
Maithiliशाङ राजवंश25632313.7 KB3
IndonesianDinasti Shang2956364411.4 KB1
PortugueseDinastia Shang6979237911.3 KB21
Banglaশাং সাম্রাজ্য807562911.0 KB15
AsturianDinastía Shang451838210.8 KB2
zh_yue商朝228415310.6 KB0
FinnishShang-dynastia2231371810.6 KB3
Malayalamഷാങ് രാജവംശം380032010.4 KB1
Sinhalaෂෑං රාජවංශය7402019.4 KB1
LithuanianŠangų dinastija52513349.3 KB1
PolishDynastia Shang806053549.2 KB3
Georgianშანგის დინასტია46953228.4 KB0
Assameseশ্বাং ৰাজবংশ4436447.1 KB3
CzechŠang260386267.0 KB2
TurkishShang Hanedanı379456636.8 KB1
GreekΔυναστεία Σανγκ112499096.3 KB3
Newariशाङ्ग राजवंश11095015.8 KB2
Hindiशांग राजवंश45802455.4 KB2
AlbanianShang-Dynastie8137065.4 KB0
Punjabiਸ਼ਾਂਗ ਰਾਜਵੰਸ਼5428145.1 KB2
Nepaliसाङ वंश12503325.1 KB3
BikolDinastiyang Shang2797595.0 KB3
FilipinoDinastiyang Shang21760864.9 KB1
GalicianDinastía Shang72852074.7 KB0
EsperantoDinastio Shang84396074.7 KB0
AlbanianDinastia Shang25670314.6 KB0
simpleShang dynasty108863494.5 KB1
EstonianShangi dünastia69159554.2 KB0
AzerbaijaniŞan sülaləsi87893034.1 KB2
Urduشانگ خاندان120173064.0 KB1
zh_classical商4334474.0 KB0
Central Kurdishئیمپراتۆریەتیی شانگ16240473.4 KB0
BretonTierniezh Shang19987063.4 KB0
LatvianŠanu dinastija40528263.4 KB0
RomanianDinastia Shang122486903.4 KB0
azbشان سولا‌له‌سی6386633.3 KB0
BasqueShang dinastia94793403.1 KB0
Lingua Franca NovaDinastia Shang332913.1 KB0
MongolianШан улс6935342.9 KB0
Burmeseရှံမင်းဆက်7539122.5 KB0
Wu Chinese商朝3834052.3 KB0
Uyghurشاڭ سۇلالىسى1677821.9 KB0
KurdishXanedana Shang20162761.9 KB0
SlovakŠang (dynastia)63411491.5 KB0
JavaneseWangsa Shang16248991.5 KB3
Norwegian NynorskShang35134921.4 KB5
KyrgyzИн (тарыхый өлкө)5076301.4 KB1
zh_min_nanSiong19288341.4 KB0
Tamilசாங் அரசமரபு22253391.3 KB0
CebuanoDinastiyang Shang335665011.2 KB0
UzbekIn (tarixiy davlat)51728421.0 KB1
WelshBrenhinllin Shang118342880.9 KB0
OccitanDinastia Shang24478680.8 KB0
cdoSiŏng-dièu925480.6 KB0
Western FrisianShang-dynasty12120740.5 KB0
SwahiliNasaba ya Shang11802040.5 KB0
WarayDinastiya Shang64718090.3 KB0
Hakka ChineseSông-chhèu1090520.3 KB0
Gan Chinese商3914530.3 KB0
ZhuangSiengciuz360690.1 KB0
The text on this page comes from the Wikipedia articles listed above, written by their contributors, and is released under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 licence. It was translated and merged from those articles, may contain errors, and has not been reviewed by Wikipedia editors. SuperCharged Wiki is not affiliated with or endorsed by the Wikimedia Foundation. How this works.

References

  1. Keightley (1999), p. 232. (——— (1999), "The Shang: China's first historical dynasty", in Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC, Cambridge University Press, pp. 232–291, ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.)
  2. Keightley, 1999, p. 232. (Keightley, David N. «Shang archaeology». A: Michael Loewe, Edward L. Shaughnessy. The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC (en anglès). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, p. 269. ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.)
  3. Keightley (1999), m/s. 232. harv error: no target: CITEREFKeightley1999 (help)
  4. Keightley (1978a), p. xiv. (Keightley, David N. (1978a), Sources of Shang History: The Oracle-Bone Inscriptions of Bronze Age China, Berkeley: University of California Press, ISBN 0-520-02969-0.)
  5. Keightley, 1978a, p. xiv. (Keightley, David N. Sources of Shang History: The Oracle-Bone Inscriptions of Bronze Age China (en anglès). Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978a. ISBN 0-520-02969-0.)
  6. Keightley (1978a), m/s. xiv. harv error: no target: CITEREFKeightley1978a (help)
  7. Keightley 1999, i. m. 233–235.. o.
  8. М. Е. Кузнецова-Фетисова, 2015, с. 35. (М. Е. Кузнецова-Фетисова. Великий город Шан (рус.). — М.: Наука — Восточная литература, 2015. — ISBN 978-5-02-039953-2.)
  9. 「武成」『尚書』。「一戎衣,天下大定。」
  10. Keightley (1999), pp. 233–235. (——— (1999), "The Shang: China's first historical dynasty", in Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC, Cambridge University Press, pp. 232–291, ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.)
  11. Keightley, 1999, p. 233–235. (Keightley, David N. «Shang archaeology». A: Michael Loewe, Edward L. Shaughnessy. The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC (en anglès). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, p. 269. ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.)
  12. Keightley (1999), m/s. 233–235. harv error: no target: CITEREFKeightley1999 (help)
  13. Keightley (1999), p. 233, with additional details from the Historical Records. (——— (1999), "The Shang: China's first historical dynasty", in Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC, Cambridge University Press, pp. 232–291, ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.)
  14. Keightley, 1999, p. 233, amb detalls addicionals dels Registres històrics. (Keightley, David N. «Shang archaeology». A: Michael Loewe, Edward L. Shaughnessy. The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC (en anglès). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, p. 269. ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.)
  15. Keightley (1999), p. 233. (——— (1999), "The Shang: China's first historical dynasty", in Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC, Cambridge University Press, pp. 232–291, ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.)
  16. Keightley, 1999, p. 233. (Keightley, David N. «Shang archaeology». A: Michael Loewe, Edward L. Shaughnessy. The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC (en anglès). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, p. 269. ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.)
  17. Keightley (1999), m/s. 233. harv error: no target: CITEREFKeightley1999 (help)
  18. Keightley (1999), m/s. 233 harvp error: no target: CITEREFKeightley1999 (help), dengan butiran tambahan dari Catatan Sejarah.
  19. Zhuoyun Xu (2012). China: A New Cultural History. Columbia University Press. p. 73. ISBN 9780231159203
  20. Smith, Jonathan; Fan, Yuzhou (14 January 2021). "The Cultural and Historical Setting of the Shang". In Childs-Johnson, Elizabeth (ed.). The Oxford Handbook of Early China. Page 252, note 3.
  21. "The Walled Shang Dynasty Cities of Ancient China"
  22. Sun-tzu, Sunzi, Shang Yang, Shibing Yuan. The Art of War (en anglès), 1998, p. 70.
  23. "Chinese History: Sang Rulers". CHINAKNOWLEDGE. Hozzáférés: 2014. április 17.
  24. "Shang Kingship and Shang Kinship" (PDF). Indiana University. 2008. április 9. dátummal az eredeti (PDF) címről archiválva.
  25. Chinese History: Sang Rulers. CHINAKNOWLEDGE
  26. Keightley 1999, p. 253-255 ; Eno 2009, p. 58-62
  27. History of China: Shang dynasty emperors. TravelChinaGuide.com.
  28. Bai, Shouyi (2002). An Outline History of China. Beijing: Foreign Language Press. ISBN 7-119-02347-0
  29. Li 2013, p. 80-83
  30. ”Chinese Literature Shangshu 尚書 or Shujing 書經” (på engelska). ChinaKnowledge.de. http://www.chinaknowledge.de/Literature/Classics/shangshu.html. Läst 28 november 2016.
  31. ”尚书 - Shang Shu” (på engelska). Chinese Text Project. https://ctext.org/shang-shu/ens. Läst 21 februari 2018.
  32. 张, 英聘 (2003). ”2. The Shang” (på engelska). THE HISTORY AND CIVILIZATION OF CHINA. 中央文献出版社. sid. 21. ISBN 7-5073-1360-3. https://archive.org/details/historycivilizat0000zhan
  33. Li 2013, p. 80 fig. 4.8
  34. Keightley Rosemont, Henry Jr., eds. (2014), These Bones Shall Rise Again: Selected Writings on Early China, Albany: State University of New York Press. "The Making of the Ancestors: Late Shang Religion and Its Legacy". In Keightley & Rosemont (2014), pp. 178–180
  35. Creel, Herrlee G. (1970), The Origins of Statecraft in China, University of Chicago Press, p. 232
  36. Thorp (1981), pp. 240, 245. (Thorp, Robert L. (1981), "The Date of Tomb 5 at Yinxu, Anyang: A Review Article", Artibus Asiae, 43 (3): 239–246, doi:10.2307/3249839, JSTOR 3249839.)
  37. Qiu (2000), p. 60. (Qiu, Xigui (2000), Chinese writing, translated by Mattos, Gilbert L.; Norman, Jerry, Berkeley: Society for the Study of Early China and The Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, ISBN 978-1-55729-071-7.)
  38. Tao (2007). "Shang ritual animals: Colour and meaning". Bulletin of SOAS. 70 (2), p. 315
  39. Keightley 1999, p. 258-262 ; (en) M. Poo, « Ritual and Ritual Texts in Early China », dans J. Lagerwey et M. Kalinowski (dir.), Early Chinese Religion, Part One: Shang through Han (1250 BC-220 AD), Leyde et Boston, 2009, p. 282-285 ; Li 2013, p. 100-103
  40. M. Granet, La civilisation chinoise, Paris, 1969, p. 25-30
  41. Keightley 1999, p. 233-235
  42. Duman, i. m. 440.. o
  43. Li Feng
  44. Мустафін О. Справжня історія стародавнього часу. Х., 2018, с.118-119
  45. 邶、鄘二國考 Archived 17 June 2011 at the Wayback Machine (Bei, Yong two national test)
  46. 周初"三监"与邶、鄘、卫地望研究 Archived 26 July 2008 at the Wayback Machine (Bei, Yong, Wei – looking at the research)
  47. "三监"人物疆地及其地望辨析 ——兼论康叔的始封地问题 Archived 9 May 2011 at the Wayback Machine (breaking ground on Kangshu problem)
  48. 周初"三监"与邶、鄘、卫地望研究 Archived
  49. Мустафін О. Справжня історія стародавнього часу. Х., 2018, с.119
  50. 一 被剥削者的存在类型 (Exploited by the presence of...)
  51. Yao, Xinzhong (2000), An Introduction to Confucianism, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-64430-5, Confucius is believed to have been a descendant of the royal house of the Shang Dynasty and his family lived in the state of Song until his grandfather was forced to move to the state of Lu.
  52. Yao, Xinzhong (1997), Confucianism and Christianity: A Comparative Study of Jen and Agape, Sussex Academic Press, p. 29, ISBN 1-898723-76-1
  53. Rainey, Lee Dian (2010), Confucius & Confucianism: The Essentials, Wiley, ISBN 978-1-4051-8841-8
  54. 孤竹析辨 (Guzhu analysis identified)
  55. de Crespigny, Rafe (28 December 2006), A Biographical Dictionary of Later Han to the Three Kingdoms (23–220 AD), Brill, p. 389, ISBN 978-90-474-1184-0
  56. 《汉书·杨胡朱梅云传》:初,武帝时,始封周后姬嘉为周子南君,至元帝时,尊周子南君为周承休侯,位次诸侯王。使诸大夫博士求殷后,分散为十余姓,郡国往往得其大家,推求子孙,绝不能纪。时,匡衡议,以为"王者存二王后,所以尊其先王而通三统也。其犯诛绝之罪者绝,而更封他亲为始封君,上承其王者之始祖。《春秋》之义,诸侯不能守其社稷者绝。今宋国已不守其统而失国矣,则宜更立殷后为始封君,而上承汤统,非当继宋之绝侯也,宜明得殷后而已。今之故宋,推求其嫡,久远不可得;虽得其嫡,嫡之先已绝,不当得立。《礼记》孔子曰:'丘,殷人也。'先师所共传,宜以孔子世为汤后。"上以其语不经,遂见寝。
  57. de Crespigny, Rafe (28 December 2006), A Biographical Dictionary of Later Han to the Three Kingdoms (23–220 AD), Brill, p. 389, ISBN 978-90-474-1184-0
  58. 中国孤竹文化网 Archived 1 April 2010 at the Wayback Machine (Chinese Guzhu Cultural Network)
  59. 解开神秘古国 ——孤竹之谜 (unlocking the ancient mystery of Guzhu)
  60. 孤竹析辨 (Guzhu analysis identified)
  61. Sun (2006). (Sun, Yan (2006), "Colonizing China's Northern Frontier: Yan and Her Neighbors During the Early Western Zhou Period", International Journal of Historical Archaeology, 10 (2): 159–177, doi:10.1007/s10761-006-0005-3, S2CID 143815200.)
  62. Sun, Yan (2006), "Colonizing China's Northern Frontier: Yan and Her Neighbors During the Early Western Zhou Period", International Journal of Historical Archaeology, 10 (2): 159–177
  63. 中国孤竹文化网 Archived 1 April 2010 at the Wayback Machine (Chinese Guzhu Cultural Network)
  64. Lee (2002), pp. 16–17. (Lee, Yun Kuen (2002), "Building the chronology of early Chinese history", Asian Perspectives, 41 (1): 15–42, doi:10.1353/asi.2002.0006, hdl:10125/17161, S2CID 67818363.)
  65. Lee, 2002, p. 16–17. (Lee, Yun Kuen «Building the chronology of early Chinese history» (en anglès). Asian Perspectives, 41, 1, 2002, p. 15–42. DOI: 10.1353/asi.2002.0006.)
  66. Lee (2002), m/s. 16–17. harv error: no target: CITEREFLee2002 (help)
  67. Lee (2002), p. 32. (Lee, Yun Kuen (2002), "Building the chronology of early Chinese history", Asian Perspectives, 41 (1): 15–42, doi:10.1353/asi.2002.0006, hdl:10125/17161, S2CID 67818363.)
  68. Lee, 2002, p. 32. (Lee, Yun Kuen «Building the chronology of early Chinese history» (en anglès). Asian Perspectives, 41, 1, 2002, p. 15–42. DOI: 10.1353/asi.2002.0006.)
  69. Lee (2002), m/s. 32. harv error: no target: CITEREFLee2002 (help)
  70. Keightley (1999), p. 248. (——— (1999), "The Shang: China's first historical dynasty", in Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC, Cambridge University Press, pp. 232–291, ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.)
  71. Keightley, 1999, p. 248. (Keightley, David N. «Shang archaeology». A: Michael Loewe, Edward L. Shaughnessy. The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC (en anglès). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, p. 269. ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.)
  72. Keightley (1999), m/s. 248. harv error: no target: CITEREFKeightley1999 (help)
  73. Pankenier (1981–1982), p. 23. (Pankenier, David W. (1981–1982), "Astronomical Dates in Shang and Western Zhou" (PDF), Early China, 7: 2–37, doi:10.1017/S0362502800005599, JSTOR 23351672, S2CID 163543848.)
  74. Pankenier, David W. (2015), "The cosmo-political mandate", Astrology and Cosmology in Early China: Conforming Earth to Heaven, Cambridge University Press, p. 197, ISBN 978-1-107-53901-3, archived from the original on 15 September 2022, retrieved 21 July 2022
  75. Nivison (2018), p. 165. (Nivison, David S. (2018), Schwartz, Adam C. (ed.), The Nivison Annals, De Gruyter Mouton, doi:10.1515/9781501505393, ISBN 978-1-5015-1454-8.)
  76. ”The Cosmo-Political Background of Heaven's mandate” (på engelska). David W. Pankenier. 23 september 1995. https://www.lehigh.edu/~dwp0/Assets/images/cosmopolbackground.pdf. Läst 19 juli 2022.
  77. Shaughnessy, Edward L. (1992), "The Date of the Zhou Conquest of Shang", Sources of Western Zhou History: Inscribed Bronze Vessels, University of California Press, pp. 217–236, ISBN 978-0-520-07028-8
  78. Nivison, David S. (1983), "The Dates of Western Chou", Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 43 (2), Harvard-Yenching Institute: 481–580, doi:10.2307/2719108, JSTOR 2719108
  79. Shaughnessy, Edward L. «The Date of the Zhou Conquest of Shang]». A: Sources of Western Zhou History: Inscribed Bronze Vessels (en anglès). University of California Press, 1992, p. 217–236. ISBN 978-0-520-07028-8.
  80. Nivison, David S. «The Dates of Western Chou» (en anglès). Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies. Harvard-Yenching Institute, 43, 2, 1983, p. 481–580. DOI: 10.2307/2719108. JSTOR: 2719108.
  81. Lee (2002), p. 28. (Lee, Yun Kuen (2002), "Building the chronology of early Chinese history", Asian Perspectives, 41 (1): 15–42, doi:10.1353/asi.2002.0006, hdl:10125/17161, S2CID 67818363.)
  82. Lee (2002), pp. 31–34. (Lee, Yun Kuen (2002), "Building the chronology of early Chinese history", Asian Perspectives, 41 (1): 15–42, doi:10.1353/asi.2002.0006, hdl:10125/17161, S2CID 67818363.)
  83. Lee, 2002, p. 28. (Lee, Yun Kuen «Building the chronology of early Chinese history» (en anglès). Asian Perspectives, 41, 1, 2002, p. 15–42. DOI: 10.1353/asi.2002.0006.)
  84. Lee, 2002, p. 31–34. (Lee, Yun Kuen «Building the chronology of early Chinese history» (en anglès). Asian Perspectives, 41, 1, 2002, p. 15–42. DOI: 10.1353/asi.2002.0006.)
  85. Lee (2002), m/s. 28. harv error: no target: CITEREFLee2002 (help)
  86. Lee (2002), m/s. 31–34. harv error: no target: CITEREFLee2002 (help)
  87. Liu et al. (2021), pp. 165, 169. (Liu, Kexin; Wu, Xiaohong; Guo, Zhiyu; Yuan, Sixun; Ding, Xingfang; Fu, Dongpo; Pan, Yan (2021), "Radiocarbon dating of oracle bones of late Shang period in ancient China", Radiocarbon, 63 (1): 155–175, Bibcode:2021Radcb..63..155L, doi:10.1017/RDC.2020.90.)
  88. Liu et al., 2021, p. 165, 169.
  89. Liu dll. (2021), m/s. 165, 169. harv error: no target: CITEREFLiuWuGuoYuan2021 (help)
  90. Keightley 1999, p. 269 ; Li 2013, p. 107
  91. Duman, i. m. 438.. o
  92. Keightley 1999, p. 272-273 ; Li 2013, p. 108-109
  93. Keightley, 1999, p. 272–273, 286. (Keightley, David N. «Shang archaeology». A: Michael Loewe, Edward L. Shaughnessy. The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC (en anglès). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, p. 269. ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.)
  94. Li 2013, p. 109-110
  95. Sun (2006). harv error: no target: CITEREFSun2006 (help)
  96. Fairbank & Goldman (2006), m/s. 33. harv error: no target: CITEREFFairbankGoldman2006 (help)
  97. Fairbank & Goldman (2006), p. 34. (Fairbank, John King; Goldman, Merle (2006), China: A New History (2nd ed.), Harvard University Press, ISBN 978-0-674-03665-9.)
  98. Fairbank & Goldman (2006), p. 34
  99. Fairbank i Goldman, 2006, p. 34. (Fairbank, John King; Goldman, Merle. China: A New History. 2a edició. Harvard University Press, 2006. ISBN 978-0-674-03665-9.)
  100. Fairbank & Goldman (2006), m/s. 34. harv error: no target: CITEREFFairbankGoldman2006 (help)
  101. Needham (1971), p. 43. (Needham, Joseph (1971), Science and Civilisation in China, vol. IV:3, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-07060-7.)
  102. Needham, Joseph (1971), Science and Civilisation in China, vol. IV:3, Cambridge University Press, p. 43
  103. Needham, 1971, p. 43. (Needham, Joseph. Science and Civilization in China (en anglès). Volum 4, Part 3. Cambridge University Press, 1971. ISBN 978-0-521-07060-7.)
  104. Needham (1971), m/s. 43. harv error: no target: CITEREFNeedham1971 (help)
  105. Fairbank & Goldman (2006), pp. 34–35. (Fairbank, John King; Goldman, Merle (2006), China: A New History (2nd ed.), Harvard University Press, ISBN 978-0-674-03665-9.)
  106. Fairbank, John King; Goldman, Merle (2006), China: A New History (2nd ed.), Harvard University Press, p. 33
  107. Fairbank i Goldman, 2006, p. 34–35. (Fairbank, John King; Goldman, Merle. China: A New History. 2a edició. Harvard University Press, 2006. ISBN 978-0-674-03665-9.)
  108. Fairbank & Goldman (2006), p. 33. (Fairbank, John King; Goldman, Merle (2006), China: A New History (2nd ed.), Harvard University Press, ISBN 978-0-674-03665-9.)
  109. Fairbank & Goldman (2006), p. 33
  110. Li 2013, p. 69-71
  111. Fairbank i Goldman, 2006, p. 33. (Fairbank, John King; Goldman, Merle. China: A New History. 2a edició. Harvard University Press, 2006. ISBN 978-0-674-03665-9.)
  112. Ebrey, Patricia Buckley; Walthall, Anne; Palais, James B. (2006), East Asia: A Cultural, Social, and Political History, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, p. 14
  113. Keightley 1999, p. 273 ; Li 2013, p. 103-104
  114. Ebrey, Walthall & Palais (2006), p. 14. (Ebrey, Patricia Buckley; Walthall, Anne; Palais, James B. (2006), East Asia: A Cultural, Social, and Political History, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, ISBN 978-0-618-13384-0.)
  115. Ebrey, Walthall i Palais, 2006, p. 14. (Ebrey, Patricia Buckley; Walthall, Anne; Palais, James B. East Asia: A Cultural, Social, and Political History (en anglès). Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2006. ISBN 978-0-618-13384-0.)
  116. Ebrey, Walthall & Palais (2006), m/s. 14. harv error: no target: CITEREFEbreyWalthallPalais2006 (help)
  117. Keightley (1999), pp. 286–287
  118. Keightley 1999), "The Shang: China's first historical dynasty", in Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC, Cambridge University Press, pp. 272–273, 286
  119. Keightley 1999, p. 269-272
  120. Keightley 1999, p. 281-282
  121. Keightley (1999), m/s. 272–273, 286. harv error: no target: CITEREFKeightley1999 (help)
  122. Sawyer & Sawyer (1994), pp. 33–34. (Sawyer, Ralph D.; Sawyer, Mei-chün Lee (1994), Sun Tzu's The Art of War, New York: Barnes and Noble, ISBN 978-1-56619-297-2.)
  123. Campbell, Roderick (2018). Violence, Kinship and the Early Chinese State: The Shang and their World. Cambridge University Press, pp. 190–194
  124. Sawyer i Sawyer, 1994, p. 34. (Sawyer, Ralph D.; Sawyer, Mei-chün Lee. Sun Tzu's The Art of War (en anglès). Nova York: Barnes and Noble, 1994. ISBN 978-1-56619-297-2.)
  125. Sawyer & Sawyer (1994), m/s. 33–34. harv error: no target: CITEREFSawyerSawyer1994 (help)
  126. Keightley (1999), "The Shang: China's first historical dynasty", in Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Ancient China, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 284–285
  127. Keightley 1999, p. 284-285
  128. Shu-hui Wu (2012). "Alliance-Building at the Dawn of Chinese Civilization". Journal of Military and Strategic Studies. 14 (3–4): 1–10
  129. Sawyer i Sawyer, 1994, p. 33. (Sawyer, Ralph D.; Sawyer, Mei-chün Lee. Sun Tzu's The Art of War (en anglès). Nova York: Barnes and Noble, 1994. ISBN 978-1-56619-297-2.)
  130. Sawyer, Ralph D.; Sawyer, Mei-chün Lee (1994), Sun Tzu's The Art of War, New York: Barnes and Noble, pp. 33–34, ISBN 978-1-56619-297-2
  131. Keightley (1999), "The Shang: China's first historical dynasty", in Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Ancient China, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p. 285
  132. Sawyer, стр. 35 harvnb грешка: no target: CITEREFSawyer (help)
  133. Sawyer, 35.
  134. Keightley (2012), pp. 34–38, 94, 119–120, 348–349
  135. Wang (1993). (Wang Hongyuan (王宏源) (1993), 漢字字源入門 [The Origins of Chinese Characters], Beijing: Sinolingua, ISBN 978-7-80052-243-7.)
  136. Sawyer & Sawyer (1994), p. 35. (Sawyer, Ralph D.; Sawyer, Mei-chün Lee (1994), Sun Tzu's The Art of War, New York: Barnes and Noble, ISBN 978-1-56619-297-2.)
  137. Sawyer, Ralph D. (2011). "13". Ancient Chinese Warfare. Basic Books. ISBN 978-0465023349
  138. Wang, 1993. (Wang, Hongyuan 王宏源. 漢字字源入門 [Una introducció a l'etimologia dels caràcters xinesos] (en xinès). Beijing: Sinolingua, 1993. ISBN 978-7-80052-243-7.)
  139. Sawyer i Sawyer, 1994, p. 35. (Sawyer, Ralph D.; Sawyer, Mei-chün Lee. Sun Tzu's The Art of War (en anglès). Nova York: Barnes and Noble, 1994. ISBN 978-1-56619-297-2.)
  140. Wang (1993). harv error: no target: CITEREFWang1993 (help)
  141. Sawyer & Sawyer (1994), m/s. 35. harv error: no target: CITEREFSawyerSawyer1994 (help)
  142. Peers, CJ, Soldiers of the Dragon, Osprey Publishing New York, ISBN 1-84603-098-6 pp. 17, 20, 24, 31
  143. Shaughnessy, Edward L. (1996), "Military histories of early China: a review article", Early China, 21, p. 164
  144. Keightley, David N. (2012), Working for His Majesty, Berkeley, California: Institute for East Asian Studies, p. 11
  145. Wu, Hsiao-yun (2013), Chariots in Early China: Origins, cultural interaction, and identity, BAR, ISBN 978-1-4073-1065-7
  146. Rawson, Jessica (June 2020), "Chariotry and Prone Burials: Reassessing Late Shang China's Relationship with Its Northern Neighbours", Journal of World Prehistory, 33 (2): 135–168, doi:10.1007/s10963-020-09142-4, S2CID 254751158
  147. Shaughnessy (1988). (Shaughnessy, Edward L. (1988), "Historical Perspectives on The Introduction of The Chariot into China", Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 48 (1): 189–237, doi:10.2307/2719276, JSTOR 2719276.)
  148. Barbieri-Low, Anthony J. (February 2000), "Wheeled Vehicles in the Chinese Bronze Age (c. 2000–741 B.C.)" (PDF), Sino-Platonic Papers, 99
  149. Rawson, Jessica «Chariotry and Prone Burials: Reassessing Late Shang China’s Relationship with Its Northern Neighbours» (en anglès). Journal of World Prehistory, vol. 33, núm. 2, 6-2020, p. 135–168. DOI: 10.1007/s10963-020-09142-4. «Aquests diferents monuments, petroglifs, khirigsuurs i pedres de cérvol, han il·luminat el paper clau de l'altiplà de Mongòlia com a principal regió d'origen per a l'ús de carros i cavalls a l'Àsia oriental (i les seves armes i eines associades), i també la font probable dels carros. i cavalls emprats a Anyang»
  150. Shaughnessy, Edward L. «Historical Perspectives on The Introduction of The Chariot Into China» (en anglès). Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, núm. 1, 1988, p. 189–237. DOI: 10.2307/2719276. ISSN: 0073-0548. «Les publicacions recents de descobriments arqueològics a tota l'Àsia central soviètica, però, permeten ara omplir el buit anterior entre la Xina i el Pròxim Orient tant espacial com temporalment, sense deixar cap dubte que el carro va entrar a la Xina des del nord-oest cap al 1200 aC. (...) A partir d'això podríem suggerir un límit superior per a l'evidència artefactaual del carro a la Xina d'uns 1200 a.C., que correspon a l'última part del regnat del rei Wu Ding (c. 1200-1180 a.C.).»
  151. Thorp, Robert L. (2006), China in the Early Bronze Age: Shang Civilization, University of Pennsylvania Press, p. 167
  152. Sawyer, стр. 36 harvnb грешка: no target: CITEREFSawyer (help)
  153. Sawyer, 36.
  154. Bagley 1999, p. 202-208
  155. Keightley (1999), pp. 282–284
  156. Gernet 2005b, p. 40-46
  157. Keightley 1999, p. 281-284
  158. « O. Venture, « Initiation à la civilisation chinoise ancienne », dans Annuaire de l'École pratique des hautes études (EPHE), Section des sciences historiques et philologiques no 142, 2011, mis en ligne le 27 juillet 2011 et consulté le 10 avril 2012. »
  159. García-Noblejas, Gabriel (2007). Mitología de la China antigua. Alianza Editorial. pp. 49-50. ISBN 978-84-206-8215-0.
  160. García-Noblejas 2007:49-50
  161. Roberts, John A. G., History of China (título original), Palgrave MacMillan, 1999 (primeira edição), 2006 (segunda edição), ISBN 978-989-8285-39-3, pág 37
  162. Smith (1961). (Smith, Howard (1961), "Chinese Religion in the Shang Dynasty", International Review for the History of Religions, vol. 8, no. 2, pp. 142–150, doi:10.1163/156852761x00090, JSTOR 3269424.)
  163. Bagley 1999, p. 191-194 ; Keightley 1999, p. 266-267
  164. Smith, 1961. (Smith, Howard. Chinese Religion in the Shang Dynasty. 8, 1961, p. 142–150. DOI 10.1163/156852761x00090.)
  165. Smith (1961). harv error: no target: CITEREFSmith1961 (help)
  166. Keightley (2012), pp. 294–295
  167. Keightley (2012), pp. 245, 276
  168. Bagley 1999, p. 194-202 ; Elisseeff 2008, p. 138-139
  169. Thorp (1981), pp. 239–240. (Thorp, Robert L. (1981), "The Date of Tomb 5 at Yinxu, Anyang: A Review Article", Artibus Asiae, 43 (3): 239–246, doi:10.2307/3249839, JSTOR 3249839.)
  170. Thorp (1981), pp. 242, 245. (Thorp, Robert L. (1981), "The Date of Tomb 5 at Yinxu, Anyang: A Review Article", Artibus Asiae, 43 (3): 239–246, doi:10.2307/3249839, JSTOR 3249839.)
  171. Li (1980), pp. 393–394. (Li, Chu-tsing (1980), "The Great Bronze Age of China", Art Journal, 40 (1/2): 390–395, doi:10.2307/776607, JSTOR 776607.)
  172. Lerner et al. (1985), p. 77. (Lerner, Martin; Murck, Alfreda; Ford, Barbara B.; Hearn, Maxwell; Valenstein, Suzanne G. (1985), "Asian Art", Recent Acquisitions (Metropolitan Museum of Art) (1985/1986): 72–88, doi:10.2307/1513695, JSTOR 1513695.)
  173. Thorp (1981), p. 245. (Thorp, Robert L. (1981), "The Date of Tomb 5 at Yinxu, Anyang: A Review Article", Artibus Asiae, 43 (3): 239–246, doi:10.2307/3249839, JSTOR 3249839.)
  174. Thorp, Robert L. (1981), "The Date of Tomb 5 at Yinxu, Anyang: A Review Article", Artibus Asiae, 43 (3), pp. 240, 242, 245
  175. Li, Chu-tsing (1980), "The Great Bronze Age of China", Art Journal, 40 (1/2), pp. 393–394
  176. Lerner, Martin; Murck, Alfreda; Ford, Barbara B.; Hearn, Maxwell; Valenstein, Suzanne G. (1985), "Asian Art", Recent Acquisitions (Metropolitan Museum of Art) (1985/1986), p. 77
  177. Thorp, 1981, p. 240. (Thorp, Robert L. «The Date of Tomb 5 at Yinxu, Anyang: A Review Article» (en anglès). Artibus Asiae, 43, 3, 1981, p. 239–246. DOI: 10.2307/3249839. JSTOR: 3249839.)
  178. Thorp, 1981, p. 240, 245. (Thorp, Robert L. «The Date of Tomb 5 at Yinxu, Anyang: A Review Article» (en anglès). Artibus Asiae, 43, 3, 1981, p. 239–246. DOI: 10.2307/3249839. JSTOR: 3249839.)
  179. Thorp, 1981, p. 242, 245. (Thorp, Robert L. «The Date of Tomb 5 at Yinxu, Anyang: A Review Article» (en anglès). Artibus Asiae, 43, 3, 1981, p. 239–246. DOI: 10.2307/3249839. JSTOR: 3249839.)
  180. Li, 1980, p. 393–394. (Li, Chu-tsing «The Great Bronze Age of China» (en anglès). Art Journal, 40, 1/2, 1980, p. 390–395. DOI: 10.2307/776607. JSTOR: 776607.)
  181. Lerner et al., 1985, p. 77. (Lerner, Martin; Murck, Alfreda; Ford, Barbara B.; Hearn, Maxwell «Asian Art» (en anglès). Recent Acquisitions (Metropolitan Museum of Art), 1985/1986, 1985, p. 72–88. DOI: 10.2307/1513695. JSTOR: 1513695.)
  182. Thorp, 1981, p. 245. (Thorp, Robert L. «The Date of Tomb 5 at Yinxu, Anyang: A Review Article» (en anglès). Artibus Asiae, 43, 3, 1981, p. 239–246. DOI: 10.2307/3249839. JSTOR: 3249839.)
  183. Thorp (1981), m/s. 239–240. harv error: no target: CITEREFThorp1981 (help)
  184. Thorp (1981), m/s. 240, 245. harv error: no target: CITEREFThorp1981 (help)
  185. Thorp (1981), m/s. 242, 245. harv error: no target: CITEREFThorp1981 (help)
  186. Li (1980), m/s. 393–394. harv error: no target: CITEREFLi1980 (help)
  187. Lerner dll. (1985), m/s. 77. harv error: no target: CITEREFLernerMurckFordHearn1985 (help)
  188. Thorp (1981), m/s. 245. harv error: no target: CITEREFThorp1981 (help)
  189. 葛剑雄. 《中国人口史》 卷一. 中国上海: 复旦大学出版社. 2002年12月: 215-217
  190. 宋镇豪《夏商人口初探》、《夏商人口研究》、《夏商社会生活史》
  191. 葛剑雄. 《中国人口史》 卷一. 中国上海: 复旦大学出版社. 2002年12月: 265-291
  192. Keightley (1999), pp. 253–254. (——— (1999), "The Shang: China's first historical dynasty", in Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC, Cambridge University Press, pp. 232–291, ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.)
  193. Eno 1996, pp. 44–45
  194. Keightley 1999, p. 252-253 ; Eno 2009, p. 70-77
  195. Keightley, 1999, p. 253–254. (Keightley, David N. «Shang archaeology». A: Michael Loewe, Edward L. Shaughnessy. The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC (en anglès). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, p. 269. ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.)
  196. Keightley (1999), m/s. 253–254. harv error: no target: CITEREFKeightley1999 (help)
  197. Keightley, David N. (2014). ”The Shang Pantheon” (på engelska). These Bones Shall Rise Again: Selected Writings on Early China. State University of New York Press. sid. 157. ISBN 978-1438447476. https://books.google.se/books?id=-oxEBAAAQBAJ&lpg=PA166&dq=%E5%A4%A7%E4%B9%99%E5%A4%A7%E4%B8%81%E5%A4%A7%E7%94%B2&hl=sv&pg=PA157#v=onepage&q&f=false
  198. Li, Feng (2013). Early China: A Social and Cultural History. Cambridge University Press, p. 99
  199. Eno 2009, pp. 55, 70
  200. Wang, Aihe (2000). Cosmology and Political Culture in Early China. Cambridge University Press, p. 30
  201. Keightley, David N. (1999). "The Shang: China's first historical dynasty". In Loewe & Shaughnessy (1999), p. 252.
  202. Childs-Johnson (2020a). "Shang Belief and Art". In (2020). The Oxford Handbook of Early China. Oxford University Press, p. 297
  203. Keightley 1999, pp. 253, 277, 279
  204. Kominami, Ichiro (2009). "Rituals for the Earth". In Lagerwey & Kalinowski (2009), p. 201
  205. Cook, Constance A. (2006). Death in Ancient China: The Tale of One Man's Journey. Leiden: Brill, p. 43
  206. Eno 2009, p. 62-70
  207. Smith (2011), pp. 3–5. (Smith, Adam Daniel (2011), "The Chinese Sexagenary Cycle and the Ritual Origins of the Calendar", in Steele, John M. (ed.), Calendars and Years II: Astronomy and time in the ancient and medieval world, Oxbow, pp. 1–37, doi:10.7916/D8891CDX, ISBN 978-1-84217-987-1.)
  208. Keightley 1999, p. 255-256 ; Eno 2009, p. 55-57
  209. Smith (2011). harv error: no target: CITEREFSmith2011 (help)
  210. Chang (1994). (Chang, Kwang-Chih (1994), "Shang Shamans", in Peterson, Willard J. (ed.), The Power of Culture: Studies in Chinese Cultural History, Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, pp. 10–36, ISBN 978-962-201-596-8.)
  211. Flad (2008). "Divination and power: A multi-regional view of the development of oracle bone divination in early China". Current Anthropology. 49 (3), pp. 405–406
  212. Chang, 1994. (Chang, Kwang-Chih. «Shang Shamans». A: Willard J. Peterson. The Power of Culture: Studies in Chinese Cultural History (en anglès). Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1994, p. 10–36. ISBN 978-962-201-596-8.)
  213. Chang (1994). harv error: no target: CITEREFChang1994 (help)
  214. Keightley 1978a, pp. 9–10, 13–14
  215. Keightley 1999, p. 236-247 ; Eno 2009, p. 50-53 ; O. Venture, « La pyro-ostéomancie sous les Shang et les Zhou occidentaux, Formation et évolution d'une pratique rituelle royale », dans J. Lagerwey (dir.), Religion et société en Chine ancienne et médiévale, Paris, 2009, p. 80-89 ; Li 2013, p. 92-99.
  216. Thorp 2006, p. 176
  217. Qiu, 2000, p. 60. (Qiu, Xigui. Chinese writing (en anglès). Traducció: Gilbert L. Mattos i Jerry Norman. Berkeley: Society for the Study of Early China and The Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 2000. ISBN 978-1-55729-071-7.)
  218. Keightley 1978a, pp. 28–43
  219. Keightley (2000). (——— (2000), The Ancestral Landscape: Time, Space, and Community in Late Shang China (ca. 1200–1045 B.C.), China Research Monograph, vol. 53, Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, ISBN 978-1-55729-070-0.)
  220. Smith 2011a). "The Chinese Sexagenary Cycle and the Ritual Origins of the Calendar". In Steele, John M. (ed.). Calendars and Years II: Astronomy and time in the ancient and medieval world. Oxbow, p. 5
  221. Alleton 2012, p. 177-180
  222. Keightley, 2000. (Keightley, David N. The Ancestral Landscape: Time, Space, and Community in Late Shang China (ca. 1200–1045 B.C.) (en anglès). 53. Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 2000 (China Research Monograph). ISBN 978-1-55729-070-0.)
  223. Keightley (2000). harv error: no target: CITEREFKeightley2000 (help)
  224. Smith 2011a, p. 19
  225. Li, Feng (2013). Early China: A Social and Cultural History. Cambridge University Press, pp. 101–102
  226. Campbell & Li, Zhipeng (2019). "Puppies for the ancestors: the many roles of Shang dogs". Archaeological Research in Asia. 17 (17), pp. 163, 165
  227. (en) J. Yuan et R. Flad, « New zooarchaeological evidence for changes in Shang Dynasty animal sacrifice », dans Journal of Anthropological Archaeology no 24/3, 2005, p. 252-270 (notamment p. 261-264).
  228. Shelach, Gideon (1996), "The Qiang and the Question of Human Sacrifice in the Late Shang Period", Asian Perspectives, 35 (1): 1–26 – via ResearchGate
  229. Schwermann & Wang, Ping (2015). "Female Human Sacrifice in Shang Dynasty Oracle Bone Inscriptions". The International Journal of Chinese Character Studies. 1 (1), p. 50
  230. David N. Keightley, Working for His Majesty, Research Notes on Labor Mobilization in Late Shang China (ca. 1200–1045B.C.), as seen in the Oracle-Bone Inscriptions, with particular Attention to HandicraftIndustries, Agriculture, Warfare, Hunting, Construction, and the Shang's Legacies. Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley 2012, 69, Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/jj.7762630.9
  231. Shelach, Gideon (1996), "The Qiang and the Question of Human Sacrifice in the Late Shang Period", Asian Perspectives, 35 (1): 1–26
  232. Chang, Ruth H. (2000). Mair, Victor H. (ed.). "Understanding Di and Tian: Deity and Heaven From Shang to Tang Dynasties" (PDF). Sino-Platonic Papers. University of Pennsylvania Press, p. 1
  233. David N. Keightley, Working for His Majesty, Research Notes on Labor Mobilization in Late Shang China (ca. 1200–1045B.C.), as seen in the Oracle-Bone Inscriptions, with particular Attention to HandicraftIndustries, Agriculture, Warfare, Hunting, Construction, and the Shang's Legacies. Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley 2012, 70
  234. Pankenier, David W. (2004). "A Brief History of Beiji 北極 (Northern Culmen), With an Excursus on the Origin of the Character di 帝". Journal of the American Oriental Society. 124 (2), p. 226
  235. Bagley 1999, p. 183-185 ; Li 2013, p. 71-73
  236. Bagley 1999, p. 184-191 ; Elisseeff 2008, p. 42-43. Voir aussi A. Thote, « Les pratiques funéraires Shang et Zhou, Interprétation des vestiges matériels », dans J. Lagerwey (dir.), Religion et société en Chine ancienne et médiévale, Paris, 2009, p. 49-55
  237. Rawson, Jessica; Chugunov, Konstantin; Grebnev, Yegor; Huan, Limin (2020). "Chariotry and Prone Burials: Reassessing Late Shang China's Relationship with Its Northern Neighbours". Journal of World Prehistory. 33 (2), p. 141
  238. Bagley 1999, p. 197-202 ; Elisseeff 2008, p. 132-133 et 144-145
  239. Beck, Roger B.; Black, Linda; Krieger, Larry S.; Naylor, Phillip C.; Shabaka, Dahia Ibo (1999), World History: Patterns of Interaction, Evanston, Illinois: McDougal Littell, ISBN 0-395-87274-X
  240. Keightley 1999, p. 277-278 ; Gernet 2005b, p. 33-35
  241. Beck, Roger B.; Black, Linda; Krieger, Larry S.; Naylor, Phillip C.; Shabaka, Dahia Ibo World History: Patterns of Interaction (en anglès). Evanston, IL: McDougal Littell, 1999. ISBN 0-395-87274-X.
  242. Beck, Roger B. (1999), World History: Patterns of Interaction, McDougal Littell, ISBN 0-395-87274-X
  243. Keightley (2000), p. 7
  244. Sterckx, Roel (2018), "Food and Agriculture", in Goldin, Paul R. (ed.), Routledge Handbook of Early Chinese History, Routledge, p. 304
  245. Keightley (2000), The Ancestral Landscape: Time, Space, and Community in Late Shang China (ca. 1200–1045 B.C.), China Research Monograph, vol. 53, Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, pp. 9–10
  246. Keightley (2012), p. 131
  247. Keightley (2012), p. 16
  248. Keightley 1999, p. 280-281
  249. Yuan, Jing; Flad, Rowan (2003), "Two issues concerning domesticated horses in China", Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 75: 110–126
  250. Fairbank & Goldman (2006), p. 35. (Fairbank, John King; Goldman, Merle (2006), China: A New History (2nd ed.), Harvard University Press, ISBN 978-0-674-03665-9.)
  251. Keightley 1978a, pp. 9, 11
  252. Fairbank i Goldman, 2006, p. 35. (Fairbank, John King; Goldman, Merle. China: A New History. 2a edició. Harvard University Press, 2006. ISBN 978-0-674-03665-9.)
  253. Fairbank & Goldman (2006), m/s. 35. harv error: no target: CITEREFFairbankGoldman2006 (help)
  254. Fairbank, John King; Goldman, Merle (2006), China: A New History (2nd ed.), Harvard University Press, p. 35
  255. Xu Yahui (許雅惠) (2002). Ancient Chinese Writing, Oracle Bone Inscriptions from the Ruins of Yin. Translated by Caltonhill, Mark; Moser, Jeff. Taipei: National Palace Museum, p. 22
  256. Li, Haichao; O'Sullivan, Rebecca (2020). "Diachronic change in the Shang dynasty ritual package". Archaeological Research in Asia. 23 (1), p. 6
  257. Ebrey, Walthall & Palais (2006), p. 17. (Ebrey, Patricia Buckley; Walthall, Anne; Palais, James B. (2006), East Asia: A Cultural, Social, and Political History, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, ISBN 978-0-618-13384-0.)
  258. Campbell 2025, pp. 25, 29–30
  259. Bagley 1999, p. 141-155 ; Elisseeff 2008, p. 134-137
  260. Ebrey, Walthall i Palais, 2006, p. 17. (Ebrey, Patricia Buckley; Walthall, Anne; Palais, James B. East Asia: A Cultural, Social, and Political History (en anglès). Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2006. ISBN 978-0-618-13384-0.)
  261. Ebrey, Walthall & Palais (2006), m/s. 17. harv error: no target: CITEREFEbreyWalthallPalais2006 (help)
  262. C. Mackenzie, « Des débuts de la métallurgie à la fin des Shang (IIIe millénaire-environ 1050 av. J.-C.) », dans Chine, la gloire des empereurs, Paris, 2000, p. 54-59
  263. R. Bagley, « Les techniques métallurgiques », dans Rites et festins 1998, p. 37-39 ; Elisseeff 2008, p. 45-47.
  264. Eno 1996, p. 45
  265. A. Gournay, « Formes et fonctions », dans Rites et festins 1998, p. 45-54
  266. Bagley 1999, p. 196-197
  267. Allan (2016). "The Taotie Motif on Early Chinese Ritual Bronzes". In Silbergeld, Jerome; Wang, Eugene Y. (eds.). The Zoomorphic Imagination in Early Chinese Art and Culture. Oxford University Press, pp. 43–55
  268. Didier (2009b). "Volume II: Representations and Identities of High Powers in Neolithic and Bronze China", p. 74
  269. R. Bagley, « Les vases rituels au début de l'âge du bronze », dans Rites et festins 1998, p. 57-64 ; Elisseeff 2008, p. 139-141 et 146-147
  270. Qiu, Xigui (2000), Chinese writing, translated by Mattos, Gilbert L.; Norman, Jerry, Berkeley: Society for the Study of Early China and The Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, p. 60
  271. Alleton 2012, p. 180-184
  272. Kerr, Gordon (2013), A Short History of China, Oldcastle, m/s. 3, ISBN 978-1-84243-969-2
  273. Shaughnessy 2010, p. 215-221 ; Alleton 2012, p. 186-196
  274. Bagley 2008, p. 191-217
  275. Kerr, Gordon (2013), A Short History of China, Oldcastle, p. 3, ISBN 978-1-84243-969-2
  276. Kerr, Gordon (2013), A Short History of China, Oldcastle, p. 3, ISBN 978-1-84243-969-2
  277. Kerr, Gordon. A Short History of China (en anglès). Oldcastle Books, 2013, p. 3. ISBN 978-1-84243-969-2.
  278. Li, Feng (2013). Early China: A Social and Cultural History. Cambridge University Press, p. 111, n. 10
  279. Smith (2011a). "The Chinese Sexagenary Cycle and the Ritual Origins of the Calendar". In Steele, John M. (ed.). Calendars and Years II: Astronomy and time in the ancient and medieval world. Oxbow, p. 2
  280. Smith 2011a, p. 1
  281. Li (2018). Social Memory and State Formation in Early China. Cambridge University Press, pp. 265–267
  282. 王晓俊. 中国竹笛演奏艺术的美学传统研究 / Guangming Daily Press, 2015. 190
  283. Bagley 1999, p. 197 ; Elisseeff 2008, p. 142-143
  284. Harrington, Spencer P. M. (May–June 2000), "Shang City Uncovered", Archaeology, 53 (3), Archaeological Institute of America
  285. Tang, Jigen; Jing, Zhichun; Liu, Zhongfu; Yue, Zhanwei (2004), "Survey and Test Excavation of the Huanbei Shang City in Anyang" (PDF), Chinese Archaeology, 4 (1): 1–20, doi:10.1515/CHAR.2004.4.1.1
  286. Harrington, Spencer P. M. «Shang City Uncovered» (en anglès). Archaeology. Archaeological Institute of America, vol. 53, núm. 3, maig-juny 2000.
  287. Fairbank & Goldman (2006), m/s. 34–35. harv error: no target: CITEREFFairbankGoldman2006 (help)
  288. Bagley (1999), pp. 124–125. (Bagley, Robert (1999), "Shang archaeology", in Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC, Cambridge University Press, pp. 124–231, ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.)
  289. Li 2013, p. 86-89
  290. Bagley, 1999, p. 124–125. (Bagley, Robert. «Shang archaeology». A: Michael Loewe, Edward L. Shaughnessy. The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC (en anglès). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, p. 124–231. ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.)
  291. Bagley (1999), m/s. 124–125. harv error: no target: CITEREFBagley1999 (help)
  292. A. Thote (dir.), Chine, l'énigme de l'homme de bronze, Archéologie du Sichuan (XIIe – IIIe siècles av. J.-C.), Paris, 2003
  293. ”Jinsha, Sanxingdui ruins open up gateway to past” (på engelska) (html). Chinese Archaelogy. Arkiverad från originalet den 5 mars 2016. https://web.archive.org/web/20160305011707/http://www.kaogu.cn/en/News/Academic_activities/2013/1026/42146.html. Läst 28 juni 2015.
  294. Bagley (1999), pp. 168–171. (Bagley, Robert (1999), "Shang archaeology", in Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC, Cambridge University Press, pp. 124–231, ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.)
  295. Wilkinson (2013), p. 669. (Wilkinson, Endymion (2013), Chinese History: A New Manual, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Asia Center, ISBN 978-0-674-06715-8.)
  296. Wagner (1993), p. 20. (Wagner, Donald B. (1993), Iron and Steel in Ancient China, Brill, ISBN 978-90-04-09632-5.)
  297. Cheung (1983). (Cheung, Kwong-yue (1983), "Recent archaeological evidence relating to the origin of Chinese characters", in Keightley, David N. (ed.), The Origins of Chinese Civilization, translated by Barnard, Noel, University of California Press, pp. 323–391, ISBN 978-0-520-04229-2.)
  298. Bagley 1999, p. 168-171 ; Liu et Chen 2003, p. 102-131
  299. Bagley 1999, p. 175-180 ; Liu et Chen 2003, p. 141-145
  300. Bagley, 1999, p. 168–171. (Bagley, Robert. «Shang archaeology». A: Michael Loewe, Edward L. Shaughnessy. The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC (en anglès). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, p. 124–231. ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.)
  301. Wilkinson, 2013, p. 669. (Wilkinson, Endymion. Chinese History: A New Manual (en anglès). Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ Asia Center, 2013. ISBN 978-0-674-06715-8.)
  302. Wagner, 1993, p. 20. (Wagner, Donald B. Iron and Steel in Ancient China (en anglès). BRILL, 1993. ISBN 978-90-04-09632-5.)
  303. Cheung, 1983. (Cheung, Kwong-yue. «Recent archaeological evidence relating to the origin of Chinese characters». A: The Origins of Chinese Civilization (en anglès). Traducció: Noel Barnard. University of California Press, 1983, p. 323–391. ISBN 978-0-520-04229-2.)
  304. Bagley (1999), m/s. 168–171. harv error: no target: CITEREFBagley1999 (help)
  305. Wilkinson (2013), m/s. 669. harv error: no target: CITEREFWilkinson2013 (help)
  306. Wagner (1993), m/s. 20. harv error: no target: CITEREFWagner1993 (help)
  307. Cheung (1983). harv error: no target: CITEREFCheung1983 (help)
  308. Zeng, Wen; Li, Jiawei; Yue, Hongbin; Zhou, Hui; Zhu, Hong «Poster: Preliminary Research on Hereditary Features of Yinxu Population». 82è Congrés Anual de l'Associació Americana d'Antropòlegs Físics, 2013.
  309. Wilkinson (2013), p. 684. (Wilkinson, Endymion (2013), Chinese History: A New Manual, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Asia Center, ISBN 978-0-674-06715-8.)
  310. Keightley (1999), p. 235. (——— (1999), "The Shang: China's first historical dynasty", in Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC, Cambridge University Press, pp. 232–291, ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.)
  311. Wilkinson (2013). harv error: no target: CITEREFWilkinson2013 (help)
  312. 松丸道夫 『甲骨文の話』
  313. Keightley (1999), pp. 234–235, 240–241. (——— (1999), "The Shang: China's first historical dynasty", in Loewe, Michael; Shaughnessy, Edward L. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Ancient China: From the Origins of Civilization to 221 BC, Cambridge University Press, pp. 232–291, ISBN 978-0-521-47030-8.)
  314. ”Building the Chronology of Early Chinese History” (på engelska). Lee, Yun Kuen i Press. University of Hawai'i Press. http://scholarspace.manoa.hawaii.edu/handle/10125/17161. Läst 18 november 2016.