Vandal Kingdom

Origins and Migration to Hispania

The Vandals were an East Germanic people whose earlier presence in Central Europe is traditionally associated by archaeologists with the Przeworsk culture, having previously formed an element of the multi-ethnic Lugian federation.^[1][2] During the Migration Period set off by the arrival of the Huns around 375, the Hasding branch of the Vandals allied with the Alan nomadic groups and moved from Pannonia westward toward the Rhine.^[3] On 31 December 406, a coalition of Vandals, Suebi, and Alans, led by the Alan king Respendial and the Hasding king Godigisel, crossed the frozen Rhine near Mogontiacum (Mainz) without meeting Roman resistance.^[4][5][6] One reason no Roman army stopped them was the revolt of Constantine III in Britain against the Western emperor Honorius three months earlier, which began a Roman civil war during which the general Stilicho fell from favour and was executed in 408.^[5][6]

In the autumn of 409, the barbarian coalition crossed the Pyrenees into the Iberian Peninsula, possibly with the complicity of the rebellious Roman general Gerontius.^[5][6] In 411, the invaders divided the Hispanic provinces among themselves: the Hasding Vandals and the Suebi took Gallaecia, the Siling Vandals received Baetica, and the Alans occupied Lusitania and Carthaginensis.^[5][6][7] The assignment of two provinces to the Alans indicated their initial status as the leading military force in the coalition.^[8][9] Following the defeat of the usurpers, the Western Roman general Flavius Constantius concluded a treaty in 417 with the Visigothic king Wallia, dispatching the Visigoths as Roman foederati to eliminate the barbarian monarchies in Hispania.^[10][11] Wallia destroyed the Siling Vandals in Baetica and killed the Alan king Attaces; the Alan survivors abolished their separate kingship and sought refuge in Gallaecia with Gunderic, king of the Hasding Vandals.^[12][13]

Following this union of peoples, Gunderic adopted the title rex Vandalorum et Alanorum, establishing an ethnogenesis centred on the Hasding royal dynasty.^[14][15][16] Around 420, Gunderic led his enlarged people south into Baetica, where they occupied the vacuum left by the Silings; according to the historian David Álvarez Jiménez, he did so to join the surviving Silings, to find a larger and richer territory than Gallaecia to support his enlarged people, to get away from their hostile Suevic neighbours after the Suevic-Vandal War of 419–420 in the Nervasos Mountains, and to put distance between his people and the Visigoths in Aquitaine.^[17][18][19] In 422, the Roman magister militum Castinus led an imperial campaign with Gothic allies to expel the Vandals from Baetica, but his Gothic contingents deserted to the Vandals, forcing Castinus to flee in defeat to Tarraco.^[20][21] After this victory, the Western Empire undertook no further military actions to dislodge the Vandals from southern Hispania.^[22][23]

During their decade in Baetica, a period termed by historians the pax Vandala hispanica, the Vandals learned seafaring and naval techniques from the local Hispano-Roman population of Iulia Traducta (Algeciras).^[24][25] They began maritime raids against the Balearic Islands, Carthago Nova, and the coastal settlements of Mauretania Tingitana, including Septem (Ceuta) and Tingis (Tangier).^[24][25] These nautical raids served to train their forces, secure plunder, and plan an eventual crossing to North Africa.^[26][27] Following Gunderic's death during one of these coastal operations, his half-brother Gaiseric succeeded him in 428.^[28][29] Before sailing, Gaiseric repelled a Suevic incursions led by Heremigarius near Emerita Augusta (Mérida), where the Suevic leader drowned in the Guadiana River.^[30][31][32]

Conquest of North Africa (429–439)

In May 429, Gaiseric assembled his people at Traducta Iulia and crossed the Strait of Gibraltar to Mauretania Tingitana, likely landing at Tingis.^{[33][34][35][36]} The migrating group comprised roughly 80,000 individuals, including women, children, and elderly, with approximately 15,000 to 20,000 capable warriors.^{[33][37][38][39]} Later sixth-century historians Procopius and Jordanes claimed that the Vandals entered Africa upon the formal invitation of Bonifacius, the Roman comes Africae, who was then in open rebellion against the regency of Galla Placidia.^{[33][40][41][42]} Contemporary fifth-century chroniclers such as Prosper of Aquitaine and Hydatius make no mention of an invitation, and modern scholars suggest the migration was prompted by security concerns and the attraction of the Mediterranean's wealthiest agricultural breadbasket.^{[33][43][44][45]}

Between May and August 429, the Vandals advanced eastward over 700 kilometres, capturing Altava in Mauretania Caesariensis before traversing Mauretania Sitifensis into Numidia.^[46][47] The Roman provincial troops under Bonifacius, primarily organized for frontier patrol against Berber nomads, were unable to halt the battle-hardened invaders and suffered a decisive defeat at the Battle of Calama in May 430.^[48][49] Bonifacius retreated with his remaining forces to the fortified port of Hippo Regius, which the Vandals placed under siege in June 430.^[45][46][49] Inside the city, Saint Augustine and his clergy prayed for deliverance, aware of the threat posed by the Arian invaders; Augustine died three months into the siege on 28 August 430 at the age of 75.^[50] The siege lasted fourteen months, during which famine and disease afflicted both the defenders and the besiegers, who still lacked advanced siegecraft skills.^[51][52][53] Bonifacius evacuated the civilian populace by sea in July 431, and the Vandals occupied Hippo Regius, establishing it as their first administrative capital.^[53]

Reinforcements sent from the East under the comes Aspar could not prevent a new Roman defeat.^[49][54] Bonifacius was recalled to Italy by Galla Placidia to confront Flavius Aetius, but died of wounds received at the Battle of Rimini later that year.^[49][55][56] Facing military exhaustion in the west, Aetius concluded a peace treaty with Gaiseric on 11 February 435.^[57][58][59] Under this foedus, Valentinian III recognised the Vandals as imperial federates settled in coastal Numidia and Mauretania Sitifensis, while the Roman state retained the fertile agricultural core of Africa Proconsularis, Byzacena, and the metropolis of Carthage.^[53][57][58] Gaiseric provided his eldest son Huneric as a hostage to Rome as a guarantee of peace, though the prince was returned soon afterward.^[59][60][61]

On 19 October 439, Gaiseric broke the 435 agreement, invaded Africa Proconsularis, and seized Carthage without resistance while the city's inhabitants were attending games at the hippodrome.^{[62][63][64][65]} Rather than destroying the city, Gaiseric transformed Carthage into the administrative and political capital of his independent kingdom and a central seat for Arian ecclesiastical structures.^[62][63][64] The Catholic bishop Quodvultdeus was expelled along with numerous clergy and placed on ships bound for Naples, while Roman senatorial landowners saw their extensive estates confiscated to enrich the Vandal warrior elite.^[63][64][66] Historians regard the capture of Carthage as establishing the first fully independent Germanic kingdom on former Roman imperial soil that recognised no imperial suzerainty.^[34][39]

Consolidation and the Peace Treaty of 442

The fall of Carthage caused immediate economic and military panic in Italy, threatening the grain supply of Rome and prompting Valentinian III to repair the Roman city walls, enact emergency defence taxes, and issue laws punishing deserters and compelling landowners to supply recruits through the rescript De tironibus et de occultatoribus desertorum.^{[67][68][69][70]} Gaiseric took over the naval fleet and merchant shipping anchored in Carthage harbour, which had historically transported the annona grain fleet to Italy.^[71][72] Converting these transports for military use, the Vandals launched extensive naval raids against southern Italy and Sicily beginning in June 440, laying siege to Palermo.^{[71][72][73][74]} In response, imperial edicts such as the rescript De reddito iure armorum restored the right of Roman citizens to bear arms against piratical assaults orchestrated by Gaiseric, who was explicitly branded an enemy of the empire (Gensericus hostis imperii nostri).^[75][76]

In 441, Eastern Roman Emperor Theodosius II sent an expedition against the Vandals that went no further than Sicily, where it joined a Western army under Aetius and more than one thousand ships stood ready to carry them to Africa.^[73][74][77] However, an invasion of the Danubian provinces by Attila the Hun forced Theodosius to recall his fleet to protect Constantinople, leaving the Western Empire unable to continue hostilities.^[73][74] Valentinian III was compelled to negotiate a new peace treaty with Gaiseric in 442.^[77][78][79] Under the Treaty of 442, Rome ceded the richest agricultural provinces (Africa Proconsularis, Byzacena, and eastern Numidia) to the Vandals in full sovereignty, while western Numidia, Mauretania Caesariensis, and Mauretania Sitifensis temporarily reverted to Roman administration.^[60][61][80] The Vandal state was formally acknowledged as an independent kingdom, and Gaiseric was granted the diplomatic status of rex socius et amicus.^[60][61][81]

After the treaty, Gaiseric's son Huneric was betrothed to Valentinian III's daughter Eudocia, linking the Theodosian dynasty with the Asding dynasty.^{[60][61][80][82][83]} Huneric repudiated his first wife, the daughter of Visigothic king Theodoric I; according to Procopius, he sent her back to Toulouse after mutilating her nose and ears. The repudiation ended Vandal-Visigothic diplomatic relations.^[60][61] In return, Gaiseric agreed to maintain regular grain shipments to Rome, though transformed from provincial taxation into a royal tribute.^[60][61][84] Confiscated senatorial estates in Africa Proconsularis were systematically distributed among Vandal warriors as inalienable ancestral holdings termed sortes Vandalorum. According to Peter Heather, the loss of the best North African provinces, together with a seven-eighths cut in the revenue Rome still drew from the rest of the region, was a fiscal disaster for the Western Roman state, and its army bore the brunt of the decline.^{[85][86][87][88]}

The African Grain Supply

North Africa had long functioned as the demographic and fiscal engine of the Western Roman Empire.^[89][90][91] According to the first-century Jewish historian Flavius Josephus, North Africa historically fed the population of Rome for eight months of the year, with Egypt providing grain for the remaining four.^[92][93] Beyond agricultural sustenance, the diocese yielded massive tax revenues that funded imperial armies across Gaul, Hispania, and Italy, while requiring minimal stationed legions to garrison its peaceful territory.^[89][94] In 411, Emperors Honorius and Theodosius II had formally described Africa as representing the greatest part of the Western realm.^[95]

Modern historians, following Edward Gibbon, consider the permanent loss of North Africa to the Vandals to have been the single most devastating blow to the survival of the Western Roman Empire.^{[89][94][96][97]} Roman need for African grain may have declined by the fifth century because the population of the city of Rome had fallen, but according to Peter Heather the loss of North African revenue was a fiscal disaster for the Western Roman state.^{[84][87][89][98]} The 442 treaty seems to have ensured that grain shipments continued, but as a means of halting hostilities between Rome and the Vandals it was honoured more in the breach than in the observance, and the Romans placed a high priority on recovering North Africa and regaining control of its grain.^{[84][85][89][99]}

The Sack of Rome (455)

Thirteen years of peaceful relations followed the 442 accord, during which Vandal maritime raids against the Western Empire ceased.^[100][101] The stability collapsed on 16 March 455 when Valentinian III was assassinated by followers of Flavius Aetius, whom the emperor had personally murdered the previous autumn.^{[102][103][104]} The Roman senator Petronius Maximus seized the western throne, forced Valentinian's widow Licinia Eudoxia to marry him, and broke the betrothal of Princess Eudocia to Huneric by marrying her to his own son Palladius.^[105][106] Gaiseric declared the 442 treaty void and sailed a fleet directly to Ostia at the mouth of the Tiber.^[105][106] As the Vandal fleet arrived, panic erupted in Rome; Petronius Maximus was killed and mutilated by an angry Roman mob while attempting to flee the city on horse, and his body was cast into the Tiber.^[105][106]

On 2 June 455, Pope Leo I met Gaiseric outside the walls of Rome and implored him to refrain from murdering the citizens, torturing captives, and burning public buildings, urging him to be satisfied with pillage alone.^{[107][108][109][110]} For fourteen days, Vandal forces and their Moorish auxiliaries methodically stripped Rome of its accumulated wealth, emptying imperial palaces, senatorial residences, and Christian basilicas.^{[107][110][111][112]} Among the booty taken was the gilded bronze tile roof of the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, sacred liturgical treasures, and the Temple treasures of Jerusalem brought to Rome by Titus in 70 AD.^{[107][110][111][112]} The Vandals took thousands of Roman prisoners, including skilled artisans and prominent hostages such as Gaudentius (son of Aetius), Empress Licinia Eudoxia, and her daughters Eudocia and Placidia.^{[80][111][112]} Eudocia was wed to Huneric upon arrival in Carthage, cementing the bloodline of the Theodosian dynasty within the Asding royal house.^{[80][111][112]}

The systematic plundering of Rome in 455 gave rise centuries later to the term vandalism, coined in 1794 by Henri Grégoire, Bishop of Blois, during the French Revolution to condemn the destruction of historic and artistic monuments.^{[80][113][114]} Gaiseric took everything made of metal and left only the statues and the walls of the Roman palaces, and David Álvarez Jiménez notes that the blow was brutal although no blood was shed beyond that of the usurper.^{[111][115][116][117][118][119]}

State Piracy and Maritime Domination

Following the sack of Rome, the Vandal Kingdom entered a protracted maritime conflict against both Roman empires that modern historians have characterized as state piracy or a Fourth Punic War.^{[120][121][122]} Unlike traditional naval warfare involving ship-to-ship line engagements, Vandal maritime strategy relied on rapid, surprise amphibious descents along coastal settlements, seizing luxury goods, coin, and slaves before withdrawing prior to the arrival of Roman garrison forces.^{[123][124][125]} Using converted commercial merchantmen capable of transporting cavalry, the Vandals concealed their intentions until close to shore, hoisting dragon-shaped banners (dracones) during landings that included Vandal warriors, Moorish auxiliaries, and Romano-African navigators.^[125][126] Vandal maritime control over the central Mediterranean was so complete that in Old English and Old High German, the Mediterranean came to be known as the Wendelsae or Wentilseo (the Vandal Sea).^{[127][128][129]}

In 456, the new Western Roman emperor Avitus sent his comes rei militaris Ricimer to Sicily, where Roman forces defeated a Vandal fleet of sixty ships near Agrigento.^[130][131] An alleged second Roman naval victory near Corsica recorded by Hydatius is regarded by modern historians as political propaganda issued by Avitus's chancery.^[132][133] Avitus was overthrown later that year at Piacenza following urban famine in Rome caused by the cessation of African grain supplies.^[134][135] In 457, Majorian assumed the Western throne and committed himself to regaining Africa, rebuilding the Roman fleet and recruiting large mercenary armies from across the Danube and Gaul.^{[136][137][138][139]} Majorian dispatched General Marcellinus to secure Sicily and marched his primary field army into Hispania, intending to embark at Carthago Nova and invade Mauretania Caesariensis in May 460.^{[140][141][142][143]}

Informed of Majorian's campaign by Hispanic merchants, Gaiseric instituted a scorched-earth policy in Mauretania, poisoning wells and ravaging the coastal hinterland where imperial forces planned to disembark.^[144] Before the imperial forces could set sail, a Vandal fleet executed a surprise raid against Portus Illicitanus (Santa Pola, near Alicante) off the coast of Carthaginensis, capturing and destroying the majority of Majorian's three hundred transport vessels.^{[145][146][147][148]} Deprived of his fleet, Majorian was forced to sign a disadvantageous peace treaty recognising Vandal control over Sardinia, Corsica, and the Balearic Islands.^{[146][149][150]} Upon his return to Italy, Majorian was arrested and executed at Tortona in August 461 by Ricimer, whereupon Gaiseric declared the peace treaty void and resumed naval raids across the Mediterranean.^{[146][147][151][152]}

In 468, Eastern Emperor Leo I and Western Emperor Anthemius mounted the largest joint naval operation ever launched against the Vandal Kingdom.^{[153][154][155]} The Eastern court expended roughly 130,000 pounds of gold (equivalent to nine million solidi) to fund the armada.^[156] Ancient sources claimed the fleet comprised 1,113 ships carrying 100,000 men, though modern historians suggest a force of approximately 30,000 soldiers and 50,000 total personnel.^{[153][154][155]} The plan involved a three-pronged advance: Marcellinus drove the Vandals from Sicily and Sardinia, Heraclius of Edessa landed in Tripolitania to march west toward Carthage, and the main armada commanded by Leo's brother-in-law Basiliscus sailed directly toward the Vandal capital, anchoring at Cape Bon sixty kilometres away.^{[153][154][155][157]}

Arriving at Cape Bon, Basiliscus was approached by Gaiseric, who feigned submission and requested a five-day truce to negotiate surrender terms.^[154][155] During this delay, the prevailing winds shifted, allowing Gaiseric to dispatch unmanned fireships into the densely packed Roman armada.^{[153][154][158][159]} Propelled by the gale, the fireships ignited the Roman transports and warships, throwing the imperial fleet into chaos; Vandal warships commanded by Gaiseric's son Gentzo then attacked, ramming surviving vessels and capturing thousands of soldiers.^{[157][158][159]} Basiliscus fled to Sicily and returned to Constantinople in disgrace, while Heraclius withdrew from Tripolitania, leaving Sardinia and Sicily once again exposed to Vandal reoccupation.^[154][155]

Following the triumph at Cape Bon, Vandal raiding expeditions advanced into the Aegean and the Peloponnese.^[160] An attempted landing on the Mani Peninsula was repulsed by the Maniots at Kenipolis with heavy Vandal losses.^[160][161] In retaliation, the retreating Vandal fleet seized 500 hostages at the island of Zakynthos, slaughtered them, and cast their dismembered bodies overboard on the return voyage to Carthage.^{[160][162][163]} In 474, the newly enthroned Eastern Roman Emperor Zeno dispatched an embassy led by Severus to Carthage, concluding a perpetual peace with Gaiseric that formally acknowledged Vandal sovereignty over North Africa, the Balearics, Corsica, Sardinia, and their maritime conquests.^{[164][165][166]} In 476, Odoacer, after deposing Romulus Augustulus in Italy, signed a peace accord with Gaiseric, paying an annual tribute to recover administrative control over most of Sicily, while Gaiseric retained the strategic western stronghold of Lilybaeum (Marsala).^{[167][168][169]} Gaiseric died peacefully in his palace on Byrsa Hill in Carthage on 25 January 477 at nearly ninety years of age.^{[170][171][172]}

Successors of Gaiseric (477–530)

To prevent dynastic civil war, Gaiseric had established a law of succession based on agnatic seniority, dictating that the crown would always pass to the oldest living male in the Asding royal dynasty rather than directly from father to son.^{[170][173][174]} He was succeeded by his son Huneric (477–484), the oldest man of the next generation.^{[170][173][175]} Huneric maintained peaceful external relations with Zeno and Odoacer, collecting the Sicilian tribute, but transformed the internal character of the monarchy.^{[167][168][176]} Between 480 and 482, Huneric adopted imperial ceremonial and titulature, styling himself dominus noster, rex Wandalorum et Alanorum, adopting the imperial epithet Clemens, wearing the imperial purple and diadem, renaming Hadrumetum to Hunericopolis, and becoming the first Vandal king to issue independent silver coinage bearing his own likeness.^{[176][177][178][179][180]} Seeking to pass the throne to his own son against Gaiseric's succession law, he killed many rival members of the Asding dynasty, including members of the families of his brothers Gentzo and Theodoric.^[181] Huneric's severe internal religious policies coincided with the loss of territory to native Berber kingdoms, including the rise of the Kingdom of Altava in western Algeria and the establishment of the Kingdom of the Aurès under King Masties around 483–484.^{[170][182][183]}

Upon Huneric's death in 484, his nephew Gunthamund (484–496), the eldest surviving son of Gentzo, ascended the throne.^[173][174] Gunthamund reversed the harsh anti-Nicene persecutions, recalled the exiled bishop Eugenius, and restored the sanctuary of Saint Agileus in Carthage.^{[184][185][186]} Externally, the kingdom's military position declined. In 489, Theodoric the Great led the Ostrogoths into Italy, killed Odoacer in 493, and ceased paying tribute for Sicily.^[187][188] When Vandal forces attempted to occupy the entire island, Theodoric sent Gothic forces under Ansila to confront them.^[189][190] Cassiodorus, an official at the court of Ravenna, wrote that the Vandals begged for peace and stopped raiding Sicily, while the Vandal author Dracontius, in a poem dedicated to Gunthamund, wrote that God had granted the Vandal king triumphs on land and sea, as Ansila could testify.^{[191][192][193][194]} The two powers eventually agreed to maintain the status quo, leaving western Lilybaeum under Vandal control without tribute payments.^[195][196] Gunthamund also struggled against mounting Berber incursions that reached the coastal plains.^[197]

Gunthamund was succeeded in 496 by his younger brother Thrasamund (496–523).^[173] A religious zealot, Thrasamund renewed ideological pressure on Chalcedonian Christians, avoiding bloodshed while exiling over sixty bishops to Sardinia, including the theological writer Fulgentius of Ruspe.^{[175][198][199]} Thrasamund pursued a grand foreign policy, forming a marriage alliance with Theodoric the Great by wedding the Ostrogothic king's widowed sister Amalafrida around 500, who brought a dowry that formally ceded the Lilybaeum region and arrived with an elite bodyguard of one thousand Gothic warriors.^[200][201] Despite this alliance, Thrasamund refused to assist the Ostrogoths when an Eastern Roman fleet raided southern Italy in 507, preventing Theodoric from aiding the Visigothic king Alaric II at the Battle of Vouillé.^[202][203] In North Africa, Berber expansion intensified: the Frexenses tribe under King Guenfan took territory south of Thugga to found the Kingdom of the Dorsale in 510, while the Laguatan under King Cabaon captured Oea (Tripoli) and Sabratha, inflicting a disastrous defeat on Thrasamund's counter-expedition in 523.^{[204][205][206]}

Thrasamund died in 523 and was succeeded by his cousin Hilderic (523–530), the elderly son of Huneric and the Roman princess Eudocia.^{[204][207][208]} Having spent years of exile in Constantinople, where he developed a close friendship with the future emperor Justinian, Hilderic was a committed Catholic who immediately granted religious liberty, restored Chalcedonian bishops, and allowed synods to meet.^{[204][207][208][209][210]} Hilderic styled himself a king of all Roman Africans rather than an exclusively Vandal-Alan monarch, reviving the silver coin series bearing the inscription FELIX KARTHAGO.^[209][210] He alienated the Ostrogoths by executing Queen Amalafrida and slaughtering her Gothic retinue on accusations of plotting against him.^[207][208] Uninterested in military affairs, Hilderic delegated military command to his nephew Hoamer, who was defeated in Byzacena by the Frexenses led by Guenfan and his son Antalas.^[204][211] In May 530, the Arian faction of the Vandal nobility deposed Hilderic, placing his cousin Gelimer (530–534) on the throne and casting Hilderic, Hoamer, and their relatives into prison.^{[204][211][212][213]}

The Vandalic War and Byzantine Reconquest (533–534)

The deposition of Hilderic provided Eastern Roman Emperor Justinian I with a legal pretext to invade North Africa, claiming a duty to restore the legitimate king.^[214][215] Justinian first secured his eastern frontier by signing the Perpetual Peace with Sasanian King Khosrow I in 532, and arranged with the Ostrogothic regent Amalasuntha to use Sicily as an operational naval base.^[216][217] The imperial expeditionary force was placed under the command of General Belisarius.^{[218][219][220]} The Byzantine force comprised 10,000 infantry and 5,000 cavalry (including regular cavalry, foederati, and Hunnic and Herulian horse archers), accompanied by 2,000 armed rowers, transported on 500 transport vessels escorted by 92 dromons with crews numbering 30,000 sailors under Calonymus of Alexandria.^[221][222] As the expedition sailed in June 533, Gelimer's position was undermined by revolts in Tripoli and Sardinia, where the Gothic governor Godas rebelled and declared himself independent ruler.^[216][217] Gelimer's brother Tzazo led a large part of the Vandal army and navy to Sardinia to deal with the rebellion of Godas, which let the Byzantine forces land unopposed.^{[218][223][224]}

Belisarius landed unopposed at Caput Vada (Chebba, Tunisia) in late August 533 and marched north toward Carthage with his fleet guarding his eastern flank.^{[225][226][227][228]} Gelimer, based at Hermione, devised a coordinated three-pronged ambush at the narrow defile of Ad Decimum, ten miles south of Carthage.^{[218][226][228]} His brother Ammatas was to march south from Carthage and hold the defile, his nephew Gibamund was to strike the Byzantine left flank from the southwest with 2,000 horsemen, and Gelimer himself would encircle Belisarius from behind with the main body.^{[226][228][229]} In 533, as the Byzantine army approached Carthage, Hilderic was executed.^[212][230] The plan failed due to lack of coordination: Ammatas attacked prematurely and was killed, Gibamund's force was routed by Hunnic cavalry, and though Gelimer briefly broke the imperial vanguard, he was overcome with grief upon discovering Ammatas's dead body and halted his pursuit.^[229][231] Belisarius regrouped and counterattacked, and the disordered Vandals suffered heavy losses and retreated; two days later Carthage opened its gates to him and he took the city without a fight.^[229][231]

Gelimer retreated west to Bulla Regia, rallying surviving warriors and awaiting the return of Tzazo from Sardinia.^{[232][233][234][235]} Upon Tzazo's arrival, the brothers advanced toward Carthage with roughly 15,000 troops, encamping at Tricamarum, thirty kilometres away, where they severed the city aqueduct.^[236][237] On 15 December 533, the two armies met in the Battle of Tricamarum.^[236][237] Tzazo died in hand-to-hand fighting and Gelimer managed to flee.^{[231][238][239]} The Byzantines captured the Vandal camp, seizing royal treasure accumulated across a century of conquests.^[240]

Gelimer was besieged on Mount Pappua by the Herulian general Pharas.^[241][242] In 534, Gelimer surrendered after Belisarius guaranteed that his life would be spared.^{[238][239][241][242]} The remaining Vandal strongholds throughout North Africa, Sardinia, Corsica, and the Balearics were quickly subdued, and North Africa was incorporated into the Eastern Roman Empire as the Praetorian Prefecture of Africa.^{[238][239][240][243]} Two thousand captured Vandal warriors were enlisted into five imperial cavalry regiments known as the Vandali Iustiniani and posted to the Persian frontier, while others joined the personal retinue of Belisarius.^{[238][239][243][244]} Gelimer was brought to Constantinople, paraded in Belisarius's triumph in the Hippodrome, and granted large estates in Galatia where he lived into old age, having declined the rank of patrician because he refused to convert from Arianism to Chalcedonian orthodoxy.^{[238][239][243]} The remaining Vandal population either assimilated into the indigenous Romano-African and Berber populations or dispersed into the Gothic kingdoms of Western Europe.^[245][246]

Religious Policies

The Vandals were Arian Christians who had probably converted early in the fifth century, and they sought to convert the largely Nicene Romano-African population to their faith in order to secure the loyalty and obedience of their subjects.^[247][248] While the initial invasion in 429 witnessed widespread confiscation of Catholic ecclesiastical property and the violent persecution of priests, the consolidation of the kingdom transformed anti-Nicene measures into a coherent policy of state control.^{[66][247][249]} In 435, Gaiseric expelled bishops from Numidia and seized their basilicas, and following the fall of Carthage in 439, he confiscated the four major intramural churches for Arian clergy, banned Nicene public services in districts settled by Vandals, and exiled Bishop Quodvultdeus along with his clergy to prevent new ordinations.^{[63][64][66][250]} Lay Catholic aristocrats were excluded from administrative offices and subjected to property confiscation, though diplomatic considerations occasionally prompted temporary reprieves, such as the 454 ordination of Bishop Deogratius at the behest of Valentinian III.^{[251][252][253]}

The persecution reached its peak under Huneric, who sought to forcibly convert the kingdom's entire populace to Arianism.^{[247][248][254]} In 483, Huneric issued a royal edict ordering all Chalcedonian bishops in Africa to attend a debate with Arian representatives.^{[185][186][255]} Following the council's breakdown, Huneric issued a comprehensive royal edict on 25 February 484 that copied word-for-word the anti-heretical imperial constitutions of 409 and 412, applying their severe penalties against Catholics instead: closing all Nicene churches, confiscating Catholic estates, banning liturgical gatherings and sacraments, burning orthodox theological texts, and sentencing Catholic officials to loss of rank and property.^{[255][256][257][258]} Nearly 5,000 Catholic clergy and prominent laymen were exiled into the southern deserts of Mauretania, while hundreds suffered torture, scalping, forced labour, or execution.^[255][259]

Gunthamund moderated these policies by ending the desert exile of clergy, permitting Bishop Eugenius to return, and restoring the shrine of Saint Agileus in Carthage.^{[184][185][186]} Thrasamund resumed anti-Catholic measures by exiling dozens of Chalcedonian bishops to Sardinia, yet pursued theological debates with figures like Fulgentius of Ruspe, whom he twice summoned to Carthage to discuss the dogma of the Trinity before banishing him again in 518.^{[184][185][186][198][199]} Religious persecution ceased entirely under Hilderic, who proclaimed universal freedom of worship, reopened basilicas, and restored Catholic bishops to their sees before the Arian nobility staged Gelimer's coup in 530.^{[204][260][261]}

Administration and Society

Rather than dismantling the Roman imperial apparatus, the Vandal monarchs retained the administrative and provincial frameworks of the late Roman Diocese of Africa, leaving provincial boundaries and municipal governance virtually unchanged.^{[262][263][264][265][266]} At the royal court in Carthage, governance was headed by the praepositus regni, a Germanic prime minister, while provincial governors and municipal magistrates were frequently drawn from the local Romano-African senatorial elite.^{[263][265][267][268]} Municipal councils continued to function, annually electing officials such as the flamen perpetuus (responsible for local imperial-style civil ceremonial adapted to honour the Asding monarchs), as documented in the case of Flavius Geminius Catullinus.^{[263][265][269][270]} Royal administration utilized Roman-style veredarii (couriers), and the legal system applied Roman law to the Romano-African populace, confirmed by the discovery of the late fifth-century Albertini Tablets near Tébessa, which show standard Roman land transactions adhering to the Lex Manciana.^{[256][257][269]}

Demographically, the Vandals and Alans constituted an armed ruling minority estimated at no more than 5 percent of the region's several million inhabitants.^{[88][262][271][272]} To maintain social and ethnic cohesion and avoid assimilation, Gaiseric settled the majority of Vandal families within Africa Proconsularis, distributing confiscated estates (sortes Vandalorum) among his warriors, exempting them from land taxes and restricting military service and weapon-bearing to Vandal freemen.^{[88][262][264]} In the other provinces, the confiscated estates became the property of the king.^[88] Free non-noble society consisted of merchants, urban plebeians, and agricultural laborers such as the circumcelliones, while slaves attached to Vandal estates experienced legal conditions shaped by Christian Roman legal codes.

Economy

Piracy in the Mediterranean became one of the most profitable sources of revenue for the state treasury.^[273] Another main source of income was the Vandal takeover of the Romans' major grain and oil export region, which had until then supplied food to the city of Rome.^{[91][266][274]} Gaiseric destroyed all earlier Roman tax records.^[273] While earlier historians characterized Vandal rule as a period of economic ruin, recent archaeological investigations of Mediterranean trade demonstrate continuity, evidenced by the broad distribution of fifth- and early sixth-century African red slip ware (terra sigillata) across ports in Italy, Gaul, and the eastern Mediterranean.^{[275][276][277]} Although Mediterranean maritime commerce contracted generally during the fifth century, Carthage remained an active port of international trade.^{[272][275][276]}

From 477 onward, the Vandal monarchs struck their own distinctive currency in silver and bronze denominations.^{[177][180][278][279]} Silver issues included 50-denarii pieces, occasionally bearing imperial slogans like FELIX KARTHAGO alongside depictions of the monarch.^[209][210] However, the Vandal kings avoided minting gold solidi, maintaining imperial gold coin in circulation to avoid usurping the supreme imperial prerogative of Constantinople.^{[177][180][278][279]}

Culture and Daily Life

Settled in urban villas and suburban estates around Carthage, the Vandal aristocracy rapidly embraced the luxurious material culture and intellectual traditions of the Roman elite.^{[280][281][282][283]} Contemporary Greek historian Procopius noted that the Vandals adopted daily thermal bathing, dressed in flowing silk robes and gold ornaments, feasted on Mediterranean delicacies, drank fine wines, and spent their leisure at theatres, chariot races at the hippodrome, musical performances, and hunting expeditions on horseback.^{[284][285][286][287]} The kings maintained and restored public Roman monuments: Thrasamund constructed the magnificent Alianae thermal baths outside Carthage, and public baths at Thuburbo Maius and Bulla Regia were maintained in regular use.^{[288][289][290][291]}

Far from extinguishing Latin intellectual life, Vandal North Africa became an active literary center in the late Western Mediterranean.^{[292][293][294][295]} Grammar schools and academies flourished in Carthage, educating both Roman and barbarian youths as noted by the poet Blossius Aemilius Dracontius.^[280][281] The royal court patronized prominent Latin poets whose works survive in the Anthologia Latina, including Luxorius (author of nearly ninety epigrams), Florentinus (who penned a panegyric to Thrasamund), Symphosius (author of the Aenigmata), and Flavius Felix.^{[280][281][295][296]} Scholars including the mythographer Fulgentius, the grammarian Coronatus, and early fifth-century encyclopedist Martianus Capella lived in Vandal Africa.^[295][296] Even King Gelimer was an accomplished composer who played the cithara and composed a lament on his misfortune while besieged on Mount Pappua.^[297][298]

The Vandal contribution in Africa was long judged very small, because archaeological evidence for it is scarce and the Vandals settled in an environment already shaped by the Berbers and Romans.^[282] While graves contain East Germanic cloisonné metal buckles, crossbow fibulae, and spatha swords, they also yield fine Mediterranean jewellery, Roman-style glass, and terracotta lamps. Mosaics, such as the famous Bordj Djedid mosaic depicting a mounted Vandal cavalryman wearing Roman trousers and a mantle, or the Tébessa mosaic showing a Vandal child in Roman garments, demonstrate the rapid acculturation of the Germanic elite into the Late Antique Roman-African environment.^[288][299]

Relations with the Berbers

During the first half-century of Vandal rule, relations between the kings and native Berber (Moorish) tribes remained cooperative.^{[125][126][300]} Berber auxiliaries accompanied Gaiseric across the Mediterranean to participate in the sack of Rome in 455, dividing the captives and plunder upon their return to Africa, and joined subsequent Vandal amphibious raids against Campania, Naples, and Sicily.^{[301][302][303][304][305]} Contemporary panegyrics, such as Sidonius Apollinaris's poem to Majorian in 458, accused Gaiseric of arming Gaetulian, Numidian, and Garamantian tribesmen against the empire.^[306] According to Victor of Vita, Gaiseric sent Catholic dissidents such as Martinianus into exile with the pagan Moorish king Capsur in the Caprapicti region; when the exiles began converting Capsur's subjects to Christianity, Capsur reported this to Gaiseric, who ordered them put to death.^{[307][308][309]}

Following Gaiseric's death in 477, Berber relations deteriorated into chronic warfare, eroding Vandal control over inland territories.^[170][300] In western Algeria, the Romano-Berber Kingdom of Altava expanded rapidly, while in the Aurès Mountains, King Masties declared an independent kingdom around 483–484, repelling Huneric's forces.^{[170][182][183]} By the reign of Thrasamund, tribal confederations pushed the Vandals entirely out of the interior: King Guenfan of the Frexenses captured lands south of Thugga to establish the Kingdom of the Dorsale, and the nomadic Laguatan under King Cabaon took Oea (Tripoli) and Sabratha, shattering a Vandal army in 523.^{[204][205][206]} Under Hilderic, a further military disaster against Guenfan and his son Antalas in Byzacena directly triggered the dynastic coup that brought Gelimer to power, leaving the kingdom militarily weakened on the eve of the Byzantine invasion.^{[204][211][213][310]}

References

1. „Przegląd Archeologiczny”, t. 40–41, 1992, s. 66–67, Cytat: „konfrontacja danych archeologicznych z źródłami pozwala stwierdzić, że gros terytorium przeworskiego zasiedlili wschodniogermańscy Wandalowie” .
2. Strzelczyk 2005 ↓, s. 49. (JerzyJ. Strzelczyk JerzyJ., Wandalowie i ich afrykańskie państwo, wyd. 2, Warszawa: PIW, 2005, ISBN 83-06-02964-X .)
3. Encyklopedia historyczna świata. T. I. Kraków: Opres, 1999, s. 425. ISBN 83-85909-51-6.
4. Heather, 2010, p. 206. (Heather, Peter. The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History (en anglès). Pan Macmillan, 2010. ISBN 0330529838.)
5. García Moreno, 1998, p. 182-183. (García Moreno, Luis A. El Bajo Imperio romano (en castellà). Síntesis, 1998. ISBN 84-7738-620-X.)
6. García Moreno, 1998, p. 182-183.
7. Cosme, 2007, p. 70-72. (Cosme, Pierre «Les Vandales à l'assaut de Carthage» (en francès). L'Histoire, 319, 2007, p. 70-75.)
8. Heather, 2010, p. 339 «Aquest repartiment [d'Hispània] es va mantenir durant la primera meitat de la dècada de 410». (Heather, Peter. The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History (en anglès). Pan Macmillan, 2010. ISBN 0330529838.)
9. Heather, 2023, p. 339. «Este reparto [de Hispania] se mantuvo durante la primera mitad de la década de 410».
10. García Moreno, 1998, p. 181-183. (García Moreno, Luis A. El Bajo Imperio romano (en castellà). Síntesis, 1998. ISBN 84-7738-620-X.)
11. García Moreno, 1998, pp. 181-183.
12. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 57b «D'aquesta manera, com a conseqüència d'aquests anys de lluita, els alans van deixar d'existir com a gens independent i es van unir al poble asding, i encara que Hidaci sostingui que els silings van ser exterminats, no crec que aquest fos el cas sinó que, com va indicar Ludwig Schmidt, únicament van perdre la seva independència política després de ser escapçat el seu regne». (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
13. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 57. «De este modo, como consecuencia de estos años de lucha, los alanos dejaron de existir como gens independiente y se unieron al pueblo asdingo, y aunque Hidacio sostenga que los silingos fueron exterminados, no creo que éste fuera el caso sino que, como indicara Ludwig Schmidt, únicamente perdieron su independencia política después de ser descabezado su reino».
14. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 86 «Encara que des d'un primer moment els reis asdings van assumir el títol de rex Vandalorum et Alanorum, cosa que sembla indicar que al principi va poder haver-hi una diferenciació evident entre els diferents orígens ètnics dels seus principals grups, aquestes barreres aviat van haver d'eliminar-se, quedant fossilitzada aquesta diferenciació en la nomenclatura règia. El manteniment inalterable d'aquesta al·lusió als alans s'hauria de veure com un element de prestigi tant per a la corona com per a l'exterior». (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
15. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 86. «Aunque desde un primer momento los reyes asdingos asumieron el título de rex Vandalorum et Alanorum, lo que parece indicar que en un principio pudo haber una diferenciación evidente entre los distintos orígenes étnicos de sus principales grupos, estas barreras pronto debieron eliminarse, quedando fosilizada esta diferenciación en la nomenclatura regia. El mantenimiento inalterable de esta alusión a los alanos, debería verse como un elemento de prestigio tanto para la corona como para el exterior».
16. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 59-60. (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
17. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 61-62. (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
18. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 61-62.
19. Heather, 2010, p. 340c. (Heather, Peter. The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History (en anglès). Pan Macmillan, 2010. ISBN 0330529838.)
20. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 63-64 «D'aquesta manera, encara s'ampliava més la gens vàndala amb una nova aportació ètnica propiciada per una derrota imperial que va causar un enorme impacte en el seu moment». (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
21. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, pp. 63-64. «De este modo, se ampliaba aún más la gens vándala con un nuevo aporte étnico propiciado por una derrota imperial que causó un enorme impacto en su momento».
22. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 76-78 «Amb aquesta derrota [de Castí] l'Imperi es va desentendre d'una allunyada Hispània que no importunava la trajectòria vital de l'Occident romà. […] La veritat és que amb prou feines tenim constància de tropes romanes situades a la península més enllà de les presumiblement acantonades a Tarraco... i de la guarnició establerta a Pompaelo (Pamplona)». (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
23. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, pp. 76-78. «Con esta derrota [de Castino] el Imperio se desentendió de una alejada Hispania que no importunaba la trayectoria vital del Occidente romano. [...] Lo cierto es que apenas tenemos constancia de tropas romanas situadas en la península más allá de las presumiblemente acantonadas en Tarraco... y de la guarnición establecida en Pompaelo (Pamplona)».
24. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 66-67; 71 «El més probable i raonable és que [els hispanoromans] no només acompanyessin sinó que fossin un element clau en les seves accions durant llarg període i, així mateix, conformessin el més important contingent de provincials hispans que els van acompanyar a Àfrica malgrat que aquesta dada sigui impossible de quantificar». (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
25. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, pp. 66-67; 71. «Lo más probable y razonable es que [los hispanorromanos] no sólo acompañaran sino que fueran un elemento clave en sus acciones durante largo período de tiempo y, asimismo, conformasen el más importante contingente de provinciales hispanos que les acompañaron a África pese a que este dato sea imposible de cuantificar».
26. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 68-69. (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
27. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, pp. 68-69.
28. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 72-73 «Genseric va ser un superdotat tant a la guerra com a la diplomàcia, un monarca situat molt per sobre de la majoria dels líders de l'era de les migracions». (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
29. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, pp. 72-73. «Genserico fue un superdotado tanto en la guerra como en la diplomacia, un monarca situado muy por encima de la mayoría de los líderes de la era de las migraciones».
30. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 73; 82-84 «L'expedició punitiva de Genseric contra els sueus s'hauria de veure com l'últim acte de la sobirania vàndala a Hispània, d'aquesta pax Vandala de la se'n van beneficiar els hispanoromans durant gairebé una dècada després que l'Imperi hagués perdut tot interès en els seus antics ciutadans». (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
31. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 82. (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
32. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, pp. 73; 82-84. «La expedición punitiva de Genserico contra los suevos se debería ver como el último acto de la soberanía vándala en Hispania, de esa pax Vandala de la se beneficiaron los hispanorromanos durante casi una década después de que el Imperio hubiera perdido todo interés en sus antiguos ciudadanos».
33. Cosme, 2007, p. 73. (Cosme, Pierre «Les Vandales à l'assaut de Carthage» (en francès). L'Histoire, 319, 2007, p. 70-75.)
34. García Moreno, 1998, p. 184. (García Moreno, Luis A. El Bajo Imperio romano (en castellà). Síntesis, 1998. ISBN 84-7738-620-X.)
35. Jean-Marie Lassère, Africa quasi Roma, Paris, CNRS Éditions, 778 p. (ISBN 978-2-271-07673-1), p. 655.
36. Collins 2000, p. 124.
37. Procopius Wars 3.5.18–19 in Heather 2005, p. 512 (Heather, Peter (2005). The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19515-954-7.)
38. Heather 2005, pp. 197–198 (Heather, Peter (2005). The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19515-954-7.)
39. García Moreno, 1998, p. 184.
40. Cosme, 2007, p. 73.
41. О браке известно из письма Св. Августина, хотя этническая принадлежность Пелагеи является вероятным предположением.
42. Procopius Wars 3.5.23–24 in Collins 2000, p. 124 (Collins, Roger. "The western kingdoms". In CAH2 14 (2000), pp. 112–134.)
43. Sotinel, 2019, p. 522. «Este rumor desconocido por los contemporáneos es poco verosímil».
44. Jean-Marie Lassère, Africa quasi Roma, Paris, CNRS Éditions, 778 p. (ISBN 978-2-271-07673-1), p. 654.
45. Collins 2000, p. 124 (Collins, Roger. "The western kingdoms". In CAH2 14 (2000), pp. 112–134.)
46. Cosme, 2007, p. 71-73. (Cosme, Pierre «Les Vandales à l'assaut de Carthage» (en francès). L'Histoire, 319, 2007, p. 70-75.)
47. Cosme, 2007, p. 71-73.
48. Cosme, 2007, p. 74a. (Cosme, Pierre «Les Vandales à l'assaut de Carthage» (en francès). L'Histoire, 319, 2007, p. 70-75.)
49. Cosme, 2007, p. 74.
50. "Newadvent.org". Archived from the original on 20 October 2017. Retrieved 2 March 2013.
51. Cosme, 2007, p. 74b «Els darrers escrits de sant Agustí testimonien la consternació de poblacions i bisbes enfrontats a la brutalitat dels bàrbars». (Cosme, Pierre «Les Vandales à l'assaut de Carthage» (en francès). L'Histoire, 319, 2007, p. 70-75.)
52. Cosme, 2007, p. 74. «Los últimos escritos de san Agustín testimonian la consternación de poblaciones y obispos enfrentados a la brutalidad de los bárbaros».
53. Andrew Merrills and Richard Miles, The Vandals (Blackwell Publishing, 2007), 60.
54. Cosme, 2007, p. 74c. (Cosme, Pierre «Les Vandales à l'assaut de Carthage» (en francès). L'Histoire, 319, 2007, p. 70-75.)
55. Cosme, 2007, p. 74d. (Cosme, Pierre «Les Vandales à l'assaut de Carthage» (en francès). L'Histoire, 319, 2007, p. 70-75.)
56. Sotinel, 2019, p. 524. (Sotinel, Claire. Rome, la fin d'un empire. De Caracalla à Théodoric. 212-fin du V siècle. (en francès). Belin, 2019. ISBN 978-2-7011-6497-7.)
57. Cosme, 2007, p. 74-75. (Cosme, Pierre «Les Vandales à l'assaut de Carthage» (en francès). L'Histoire, 319, 2007, p. 70-75.)
58. Cosme, 2007, pp. 74-75.
59. Проспер Аквитанский, 435 г.
60. Sotinel, 2019, p. 533-535. (Sotinel, Claire. Rome, la fin d'un empire. De Caracalla à Théodoric. 212-fin du V siècle. (en francès). Belin, 2019. ISBN 978-2-7011-6497-7.)
61. Sotinel, 2019, pp. 533-535.
62. Collins 2000, pp. 124–125 (Collins, Roger. "The western kingdoms". In CAH2 14 (2000), pp. 112–134.)
63. Cosme, 2007, p. 75. (Cosme, Pierre «Les Vandales à l'assaut de Carthage» (en francès). L'Histoire, 319, 2007, p. 70-75.)
64. Cosme, 2007, p. 75.
65. Collins 2000, p. 124-125.
66. Heather, Peter (2007). "Christianity and the Vandals in the Reign of Geiseric". Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies. 50: 139–140. doi:10.1111/j.2041-5370.2007.tb02384.x.
67. Sotinel, 2019, p. 530-533. (Sotinel, Claire. Rome, la fin d'un empire. De Caracalla à Théodoric. 212-fin du V siècle. (en francès). Belin, 2019. ISBN 978-2-7011-6497-7.)
68. Sotinel, 2019, p. 532-533. (Sotinel, Claire. Rome, la fin d'un empire. De Caracalla à Théodoric. 212-fin du V siècle. (en francès). Belin, 2019. ISBN 978-2-7011-6497-7.)
69. Sotinel, 2019, pp. 530-533.
70. Sotinel, 2019, pp. 532-533.
71. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 113; 119. (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
72. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 113; 119.
73. Sotinel, 2019, p. 533. (Sotinel, Claire. Rome, la fin d'un empire. De Caracalla à Théodoric. 212-fin du V siècle. (en francès). Belin, 2019. ISBN 978-2-7011-6497-7.)
74. Sotinel, 2019, p. 533.
75. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 113-114 «Aquesta disposició abolia un cop de ploma un dels principals fonaments del domini romà i que sempre s'havia procurat mantenir: la desaparició —momentània— del monopoli estatal de la violència plasmat a la Lex Iulia de Vi publica». (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
76. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 113-114. «Esta disposición abolía de un plumazo uno de los principales fundamentos del dominio romano y que siempre se había procurado mantener: la desaparición —momentánea— del monopolio estatal de la violencia plasmado en la Lex Iulia de Vi publica».
77. Collins 2000, p. 125 (Collins, Roger. "The western kingdoms". In CAH2 14 (2000), pp. 112–134.)
78. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 125a Valentinià III no tenia altra opció que acceptar un acord amb els vàndals, encara que aquest fos tan negatiu per als interessos de l'Imperi, d'acord amb la seva manifesta incapacitat militar». (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
79. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 125. «Valentiniano III no tenía otra opción más que aceptar un acuerdo con los vándalos, aunque éste fuese tan negativo para los intereses del Imperio, de acuerdo con su manifiesta incapacidad militar».
80. Cameron 2000, p. 553 (Cameron, Averil. "Vandal and Byzantine Africa". In CAH2 14 (2000), pp. 552–569.)
81. Patout Burns, J.; Jensen, Robin M. (2014). Christianity in Roman Africa: The Development of Its Practices and Beliefs– Google Knihy. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company. ISBN 978-0-8028-6931-9. Geargiveer vanaf die oorspronklike op 26 Desember 2016. Besoek op 25 Desember 2016.
82. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 123-124; 127-131 «La concertació d'aquest matrimoni [entre Huneric i Eudòcia] s'ha de veure com un addendum un fantàstic tractat —per al vàndal— i no com una condició prèvia a aquest o com una garantia per al seu bon compliment. És a dir, aquest enllaç culminava el nou estatus aconseguit entre els dos estats i que es caracteritzaria durant tretze anys per l'amistat i la cooperació. […] Pel que fa a la unió, malgrat la carència textual oficial o oficialista provàndala, podria vincular-se la primerenca encunyació de monedes amb iconografia relacionada amb la dinastia teodosiana com una prova d'aquesta connexió». (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
83. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 123-124; 127-131. «La concertación de este matrimonio [entre Hunerico y Eudocia] se ha de ver como un addendum a un estupendo tratado —para el vándalo— y no como una condición previa al mismo o como una garantía para su buen cumplimiento. Es decir, este enlace culminaba el nuevo estatus alcanzado entre los dos estados y que se caracterizaría durante trece años por la amistad y la cooperación. [...] Con respecto a la unión, pese a la carencia textual oficial u oficialista provándala, podría vincularse la temprana acuñación de monedas con iconografía relacionada con la dinastía teodosiana como una prueba de esta conexión».
84. Linn, pp. 298–299, 317–321
85. Sotinel, 2019, p. 535. (Sotinel, Claire. Rome, la fin d'un empire. De Caracalla à Théodoric. 212-fin du V siècle. (en francès). Belin, 2019. ISBN 978-2-7011-6497-7.)
86. Heather, 2010, p. 373; 378-380 «Conforme va anar accentuant-se la disminució de la sustentació fiscal, els grans de la cort es van veure obligats a reduir els privilegis i les gratificacions que generalment es permetien. Res no podia il·lustrar millor el nivell assolit per la crisi fiscal. Els historiadors romans tendeixen a considerar que l'imperi tardà dedicava unes dues terceres parts dels seus recursos a l'exèrcit, i aquesta xifra no pot anar gaire descaminada. Per tant, l'exèrcit havia de ser necessàriament el principal afectat pel dràstic declivi dels ingressos de l'imperi. […] El total dels ingressos perduts a tot l'Àfrica septentrional devia haver implicat un descens en el nombre d'efectius militars que va poder rondar els quaranta mil soldats d'infanteria o superar els vint mil cavallers. I aquestes pèrdues, sens dubte, venien a afegir-se a les anteriors, produïdes després de l'any 405». (Heather, Peter. The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History (en anglès). Pan Macmillan, 2010. ISBN 0330529838.)
87. Heather, 2023, p. 373; 378-380. «Conforme fue acentuándose la disminución del sostén fiscal, los grandes de la corte se vieron obligados a reducir los privilegios y las gratificaciones que generalmente se permitían. Nada podía ilustrar mejor el nivel alcanzado por la crisis fiscal. Los historiadores romanos tienden a considerar que el imperio tardío dedicaba unas dos terceras partes de sus recursos al ejército, y esta cifra no puede andar muy descaminada. Por consiguiente, el ejército había de ser necesariamente el principal afectado por el drástico declive de los ingresos del imperio. [...] El total de los ingresos perdidos en todo el África septentrional debió de haber implicado un descenso en el número de efectivos militares que pudo rondar los cuarenta mil soldados de infantería o superar los veinte mil de caballería. Y estas pérdidas, desde luego, venían a añadirse a las anteriores, producidas después del año 405».
88. Vogt 1993 ↓, s. 234. (JosephJ. Vogt JosephJ., Upadek Rzymu, AdamA. Łukaszewicz (tłum.), Warszawa: Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1993, ISBN 83-06-02312-9, OCLC 749868462 .)
89. Goldsworthy, Adrian (2009). How Rome Fell: Death of a Superpower. New Haven: Yale University Press. pp. 358–59. ISBN 978-0-300-13719-4.
90. Sotinel, 2019, p. 525-526. (Sotinel, Claire. Rome, la fin d'un empire. De Caracalla à Théodoric. 212-fin du V siècle. (en francès). Belin, 2019. ISBN 978-2-7011-6497-7.)
91. Wickham, 2009, pp. 154-155.
92. Rickman, G.E. (1980), "The Grain Trade under the Roman Empire," Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome, Vol 36, The Seaborne Commerce of Ancient Rome, p. 264. Downloaded from JSTOR; Heather, pp. 275–276.
93. (en) G. E. Rickman, « The Grain Trade under the Roman Empire », Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome, vol. 36,‎ 1980, p. 261-275 (DOI 10.2307/4238709, lire en ligne, consulté le 25 novembre 2018).
94. Goldsworthy 2009, p. 358.
95. conférence de 411, Gesta, I, 4, 10-11
96. Linn, Jason (2012). "The Roman Grain Supply, 442–455". Journal of Late Antiquity. 5 (2): 298–321. doi:10.1353/jla.2012.0015. S2CID 161127852.
97. Linn 2012, p. note 2, p. 298 et note 3, p. 298.
98. Linn 2012, p. 298-299, 317-321.
99. Goldsworthy 2009, p. 358-359.
100. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 135-137 «Probablement el manteniment de la annona va ajudar que no se sentís cap urgència en la recuperació d'Àfrica i més conforme aquests anys es van caracteritzar per la conflictivitat de les relacions de l'Imperi amb els visigots i, més tard amb els huns d'Àtila». (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
101. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, pp. 135-137. «Probablemente el mantenimiento de la annona ayudó a que no se sintiera ninguna urgencia en la recuperación de África y más conforme estos años se caracterizaron por la conflictividad de las relaciones del Imperio con los visigodos y, más tarde con hunos de Atila».
102. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 137. (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
103. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 137.
104. Bury, J.B. Cambridge Medieval History (en anglès). vol.1. Nova York: Macmillan, 1911, p. 418-419.
105. Sotinel, 2019, p. 555-556. (Sotinel, Claire. Rome, la fin d'un empire. De Caracalla à Théodoric. 212-fin du V siècle. (en francès). Belin, 2019. ISBN 978-2-7011-6497-7.)
106. Sotinel, 2019, p. 555-556.
107. Prosper's account of the event was followed by his continuator in the 6th century, Victor of Tunnuna, a great admirer of Leo and quite willing to adjust a date or bend a point (Steven Muhlberger, "Prosper's Epitoma Chronicon: was there an edition of 443?" Classical Philology 81.3 (July 1986), pp 240–244).
108. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 139-140 «El rei vàndal va acceptar aquesta proposta tan generosa perquè la consecució d'aquest pacte no es devia tant a la mediació de Lleó I com als interessos dels vàndals, a qui no convenia ni incendiar ni destruir la ciutat... Si Genseric va accedir a respectar Roma i els seus habitants es va deure que així s'assegurava un saqueig net, senzill i sense cap risc per als seus seguidors». (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
109. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, pp. 139-140. «El rey vándalo aceptó esta propuesta tan generosa porque la consecución de este pacto no se debió tanto a la mediación de León I como a los intereses de los vándalos, a quienes no convenía ni incendiar ni destruir la ciudad... Si Genserico accedió a respetar Roma y a sus habitantes se debió a que de este modo se aseguraba un saqueo limpio, sencillo y sin riesgo alguno para sus seguidores».
110. Le compte rendu de l'événement par Prosper, a été suivi par son continuateur, au VIe siècle, Victor de Tunnuna, un grand admirateur de Léon, tout à fait disposé à ajuster une date ou plier un point (Steven Muhlberger, « Prosper's Epitoma Chronicon: was there an edition of 443? », Classical Philology vol. 81 no 3, juillet 1986, p. 240-244).
111. Sotinel, 2019, p. 556. (Sotinel, Claire. Rome, la fin d'un empire. De Caracalla à Théodoric. 212-fin du V siècle. (en francès). Belin, 2019. ISBN 978-2-7011-6497-7.)
112. Sotinel, 2019, p. 556.
113. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 244-245. «Con posterioridad, la palabra mutó y acabó aludiendo simplemente a la destrucción por la destrucción, a la barbarie, al salvajismo y a la sinrazón más pura, amén del gamberrismo más dañino contra todo tipo de bienes».
114. Merrills & Miles 2010, tr. 9–10Lỗi harv: không có mục tiêu: CITEREFMerrillsMiles2010 (trợ giúp)
115. García Moreno, 1998, p. 184-185. (García Moreno, Luis A. El Bajo Imperio romano (en castellà). Síntesis, 1998. ISBN 84-7738-620-X.)
116. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 141-142. (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
117. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, pp. 141-142.
118. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 143. (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
119. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 143.
120. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 154-155; 247 «Les pirateries vàndales no responien a cap impuls atàvic de destrucció, ni a un afany desmesurat pel lucre i el pillatge. Contribuïen al manteniment, supervivència i estabilització d'un Regne pel qual havien lluitat tant des que van començar el seu llarg pelegrinar des de la Germania Lliure. L'expansió vàndala per la Mediterrània va respondre a aquest mateix interès i no es pot dissociar de les seves activitats piràtiques de cap manera». (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
121. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, pp. 154-155; 247. «Las piraterías vándalas no respondían a ningún impulso atávico de destrucción, ni a un afán desmedido por el lucro y el pillaje. Contribuían al mantenimiento, supervivencia y estabilización de un Reino por el que habían luchado tanto desde que comenzaron su largo peregrinar desde la Germania Libre. La expansión vándala por el Mediterráneo respondió a este mismo interés y no se puede disociar de sus actividades piráticas en modo alguno».
122. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, pp. 260-261. «Se puede argüir no solo una sombra púnica en el conflicto entre vándalos y romanos sino un uso consciente de este recuerdo».
123. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 248 «És a dir, tàctiques de 'hit-and-run' similars en molt bona mesura als que van emprar altres notoris pirates bàrbars del mateix període com els francs, saxons, pictes i escots a més de pirates criminals que van navegar per les aigües imperials». (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
124. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 248. «Es decir, tácticas de 'hit-and-run' similares en muy buena medida a los que emplearon otros notorios piratas bárbaros del mismo período como los francos, sajones, pictos y escotos amén de piratas criminales que navegaron por las aguas imperiales».
125. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 162-163; 168-169; 172. (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
126. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, pp. 162-163; 168-169; 172.
127. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 153. (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
128. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 153.
129. "Mediterranean"..
130. Sotinel, 2019, p. 561-564. (Sotinel, Claire. Rome, la fin d'un empire. De Caracalla à Théodoric. 212-fin du V siècle. (en francès). Belin, 2019. ISBN 978-2-7011-6497-7.)
131. Sotinel, 2019, p. 561-564.
132. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 183-186 «La millor confirmació de la inexistència d'aquesta victòria ens la ofereix Sidoni Apol·linar. Al panegíric que li va dedicar l'any 468 a Antemi inclou una apologia de Ricimer... Si tenim en compte que a través d'aquests versos Sidonia glorifica la lluita de Ricimer contra els vàndals i que només apareix el relat de la seva victòria a Sicília, no s'ha de dubtar que el triomf a Còrsega és una ficció ja que altrament hauria aparegut degudament reflectit en la seva obra i, certament, en més fonts». (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
133. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 183-186. «La mejor confirmación de la inexistencia de esta victoria nos la ofrece Sidonio Apolinar. En el panegírico que le dedicó en el año 468 a Antemio incluye una apología de Ricimero... Si tenemos en cuenta que a través de estos versos Sidonia glorifica la lucha de Ricimero contra los vándalos y que solo aparece el relato de su victoria en Sicilia, no se ha de de dudar que el triunfo en Córcega es una ficción pues de otro modo habría aparecido debidamente reflejado en su obra y, ciertamente, en más fuentes».
134. Sotinel, 2019, p. 564. (Sotinel, Claire. Rome, la fin d'un empire. De Caracalla à Théodoric. 212-fin du V siècle. (en francès). Belin, 2019. ISBN 978-2-7011-6497-7.)
135. Sotinel, 2019, p. 564.
136. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 189a. (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
137. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 194-195. (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
138. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 189.
139. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 194-195.
140. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 196-200 «Fins i tot sembla més que plausible considerar la participació del senyor de Dalmàcia en el reclutament dels mercenaris danubians emprats a la campanya del 460, ja que d'allà extreia Marcel·lí als seus (huns) i necessàriament aquests van haver tingut que travessar el territori dàlmata per situar-se sota les ordres de l'emperador». (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
141. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 202. (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
142. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, pp. 196-200. «Incluso parece más que plausible considerar la participación del señor de Dalmacia en el reclutamiento de los mercenarios danubianos empleados en la campaña del 460, pues de allí extraía Marcelino a los suyos (hunos) y necesariamente éstos tuvieron que haber cruzado el territorio dálmata para situarse bajo las órdenes del emperador».
143. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 202.
144. Merrills, Andrew H.; Miles, Richard (2010). The Vandals. Chichester, U.K.: Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 119–121. ISBN 9781405160681. OCLC 426065943.
145. Riera, Albert V.; Rosselló, Miquel. «LA FI DEL MÓN ROMÀ I EL PERÍODE VISIGOT (SEGLES IV-VIII)». A: Romans i visigots a les terres valencianes. Museu de prehistòria de València, 2003, p.105. ISBN 84-7795-340-6.
146. Sotinel, 2019, p. 570-571. (Sotinel, Claire. Rome, la fin d'un empire. De Caracalla à Théodoric. 212-fin du V siècle. (en francès). Belin, 2019. ISBN 978-2-7011-6497-7.)
147. Sotinel, 2019, p. 570-571.
148. Riera & Roselló 2003, p. 105.
149. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 205.
150. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 205. (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
151. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 207. (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
152. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 207.
153. Heather 2005, p. 268. (Heather, Peter (2005). The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19515-954-7.)
154. Sotinel, 2019, p. 576. (Sotinel, Claire. Rome, la fin d'un empire. De Caracalla à Théodoric. 212-fin du V siècle. (en francès). Belin, 2019. ISBN 978-2-7011-6497-7.)
155. Sotinel, 2019, p. 576.
156. Collins, Roger. «Vandal Africa, 429–533». A: The Cambridge Ancient History. Late Antiquity: Empire and Successors, A.D. 425–600 XIV (en anglès). Cambridge University Press, 2000, p. 125.
157. Прокопий Кес., «Война с вандалами», 1.6.; Феофан, Летопись, год 5961; Marcellinus, Chron., sub a. 468
158. Heather, 2010, p. 405. (Heather, Peter. The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History (en anglès). Pan Macmillan, 2010. ISBN 0330529838.)
159. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 227.
160. Greenhalgh & Eliopoulos 1985, p. 21 (Greenhalgh, P. A. L.; Eliopoulos, Edward (1985). Deep into Mani: Journey to the Southern Tip of Greece. Faber and Faber. ISBN 978-0-571-13523-3.)
161. Greenhalgh & Eliopoulos 1985, σ. 21
162. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 214-217. (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
163. (en) P. A. L. Greenhalgh et Edward Eliopoulos, Deep Into Mani : Journey to the Southern Tip of Greece, Faber and Faber, 1985, 171 p. (ISBN 978-0-571-13523-3, lire en ligne), p. 21. | //books.google.com/books?id=VniAQgAACAAJ
164. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 237-240 «Molt possiblement, Genseric confiés en aquest tractat molt més que en els anteriors per la percepció clara que tenia tant de la fortalesa interna com també de la feblesa dels dos imperis. D'una banda, l'Imperi Occidental prosseguia amb la seva deriva a l'abisme des de feia temps, accentuada des de les morts de Ricimer i d'Olibri i, per altra banda, el monarca vàndal sabia que l'únic poder veritablement fort , el de l'emperador oriental, es trobava en una situació interna complicada que facilitava el seu desenteniment dels assumptes itàlics... L'emperador constantinopolità no es podia permetre l'obertura d'un front tan dur, exigent i insatisfactori com havia estat ofert pel regne vàndal». (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
165. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, pp. 237-240. «Muy posiblemente, Genserico confiara en este tratado mucho más que en los anteriores por la percepción clara que tenía tanto de la fortaleza interna como también de la debilidad de los dos imperios. Por una parte, el Imperio Occidental proseguía con su deriva al abismo desde hacía tiempo, acentuada desde las muertes de Ricimero y de Olibrio y, por otra parte, el monarca vándalo sabía que el único poder verdaderamente fuerte, el del emperador oriental, se encontraba en una situación interna complicada que facilitaba su desentendimiento de los asuntos itálicos... El emperador constantinopolitano no podía permitirse la apertura de un frente tan duro, exigente e insatisfactorio como había sido el ofrecido por el reino vándalo».
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211. Trivero Rivera, 2014, p. 85.
212. Bury 1923, p. 131 (Bury, John Bagnell (1923). History of the Later Roman Empire, from the Death of Theodosius I to the Death of Justinian (AD 395 to AD 565). Macmillan. Archived from the original on 13 July 2021. Retrieved 20 February 2021.)
213. Trivero Rivera, 2014, p. 85. (Trivero Rivera, Alberto «Godas Rex. La amonedación del Reino de Godas» (en castellà). Revista Numismática HÉCATE, 1, 2014, p. 74-97.)
214. Barreiro, 2011, p. 36-37. (Barreiro, Rubén A. «Una lejana operación conjunta» (en castellà). Visión conjunta, 5, 2011, p. 34-43. Arxivat de l'original el 15 de desembre de 2014 [Consulta: 1r març 2024].)
215. Barreiro, 2011, p. 36-37.
216. Barreiro, 2011, p. 36. (Barreiro, Rubén A. «Una lejana operación conjunta» (en castellà). Visión conjunta, 5, 2011, p. 34-43. Arxivat de l'original el 15 de desembre de 2014 [Consulta: 1r març 2024].)
217. Barreiro, 2011, p. 36.
218. Merrills, Andy (30 June 2022). A Subaltern's View of Early Byzantine Africa? Reading Corippus as History. University of Leicester. ISBN 978-3-7001-9289-3. Archived from the original on 4 July 2025. Retrieved 1 August 2026.
219. Barreiro, 2011, p. 34-36. (Barreiro, Rubén A. «Una lejana operación conjunta» (en castellà). Visión conjunta, 5, 2011, p. 34-43. Arxivat de l'original el 15 de desembre de 2014 [Consulta: 1r març 2024].)
220. Barreiro, 2011, p. 34-36.
221. Barreiro, 2011, p. 36; 40. (Barreiro, Rubén A. «Una lejana operación conjunta» (en castellà). Visión conjunta, 5, 2011, p. 34-43. Arxivat de l'original el 15 de desembre de 2014 [Consulta: 1r març 2024].)
222. Barreiro, 2011, p. 36; 40.
223. Barreiro, 2011, p. 36-38. (Barreiro, Rubén A. «Una lejana operación conjunta» (en castellà). Visión conjunta, 5, 2011, p. 34-43. Arxivat de l'original el 15 de desembre de 2014 [Consulta: 1r març 2024].)
224. Barreiro, 2011, p. 36-38.
225. Barreiro, 2011, p. 38-39. (Barreiro, Rubén A. «Una lejana operación conjunta» (en castellà). Visión conjunta, 5, 2011, p. 34-43. Arxivat de l'original el 15 de desembre de 2014 [Consulta: 1r març 2024].)
226. Barreiro, 2011, p. 39-40. (Barreiro, Rubén A. «Una lejana operación conjunta» (en castellà). Visión conjunta, 5, 2011, p. 34-43. Arxivat de l'original el 15 de desembre de 2014 [Consulta: 1r març 2024].)
227. Barreiro, 2011, p. 38-39.
228. Barreiro, 2011, p. 39-40.
229. Bury 1923, p. 133-135.
230. Bury 1923, p. 131.
231. Bury 1923, pp. 133–135 (Bury, John Bagnell (1923). History of the Later Roman Empire, from the Death of Theodosius I to the Death of Justinian (AD 395 to AD 565). Macmillan. Archived from the original on 13 July 2021. Retrieved 20 February 2021.)
232. Barreiro, 2011, p. 41. (Barreiro, Rubén A. «Una lejana operación conjunta» (en castellà). Visión conjunta, 5, 2011, p. 34-43. Arxivat de l'original el 15 de desembre de 2014 [Consulta: 1r març 2024].)
233. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 299. (Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos (en castellà). EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017. ISBN 978-84-472-1851-6.)
234. Barreiro, 2011, p. 41.
235. Álvarez Jiménez, 2017, p. 299.
236. Barreiro, 2011, p. 41-42. (Barreiro, Rubén A. «Una lejana operación conjunta» (en castellà). Visión conjunta, 5, 2011, p. 34-43. Arxivat de l'original el 15 de desembre de 2014 [Consulta: 1r març 2024].)
237. Barreiro, 2011, p. 41-42.
238. Barreiro, 2011, p. 42-43. (Barreiro, Rubén A. «Una lejana operación conjunta» (en castellà). Visión conjunta, 5, 2011, p. 34-43. Arxivat de l'original el 15 de desembre de 2014 [Consulta: 1r març 2024].)
239. Barreiro, 2011, p. 42-43.
240. Прокопий определил дату сражения так: «спустя три месяца после того, как римское войско прибыло в Карфаген, приблизительно в середине последнего месяца, который римляне называют декабрём.»
241. Bury 1923, p. 138. (Bury, John Bagnell (1923). History of the Later Roman Empire: From the Death of Theodosius I to the Death of Justinian. Londres: MacMillan & Co. ISBN 0-486-20399-9)
242. Hughes 2009, p. 107. (Hughes, Ian (2009). Belisarius: The Last Roman General. Yardley, Pensilvânia: Westholme Publishing, LLC. ISBN 978-1-59416-528-3)
243. Bury 1923, pp. 139 (Bury, John Bagnell (1923). History of the Later Roman Empire, from the Death of Theodosius I to the Death of Justinian (AD 395 to AD 565). Macmillan. Archived from the original on 13 July 2021. Retrieved 20 February 2021.)
244. Bury 1923, p. 124-150.
245. Susan Raven (2012). Rome in Africa. Routledge. p. 253. ISBN 978-1-134-89239-6.
246. Collins 2000, p. 126.
247. Modéran, 2008, p. 72. (Modéran, Yves «Les Vandales, "le plus délicat des peuples"» (en francès). L'Histoire, 327, 2008, p. 71-75.)
248. Modéran, 2008, p. 72.
249. Merrills and Miles, p. 181.
250. Merrills and Miles (2010), p.180.
251. Collins 2000, pp. 125–126 (Collins, Roger. "The western kingdoms". In CAH2 14 (2000), pp. 112–134.)
252. Heather (2010), p.141.
253. Collins, 2000, pp. 125–126 (Collins, Roger. Vandal Africa, 429–533 // The Cambridge Ancient History. Late Antiquity: Empire and Successors, A.D. 425–600. — Cambridge University Press, 2000. — Vol. XIV. — P. 124–126.)
254. Cameron 2000, p. 555 (Cameron, Averil. "Vandal and Byzantine Africa". In CAH2 14 (2000), pp. 552–569.)
255. Merrills and Miles (2010), p. 185.
256. Modéran, 2008, p. 73-74. (Modéran, Yves «Les Vandales, "le plus délicat des peuples"» (en francès). L'Histoire, 327, 2008, p. 71-75.)
257. Modéran, 2008, pp. 73-74.
258. Whelan R. Christian in Vandal Africa (The Politics of Orthodoxy in the Post-Imperial West). Berkeley: University of California Press, 2018. P. 97
259. Coombs R.J. The Decline in the North African Church with reference to the state of the Church from 100 AD to 640 AD: dis. mast. theol. Bryanston, 2012. P. 47
260. González García, 2012a, p. 364-365. (González García, Alberto «La imperialización de los reinos romano-germánicos: los casos visigodo y vándalo» (en castellà). Anesteria: debates de Historia Antigua, 1, 2012a, p. 359-369.)
261. González García, 2012a, pp. 364-365.
262. Modéran, 2008, p. 72-73. (Modéran, Yves «Les Vandales, "le plus délicat des peuples"» (en francès). L'Histoire, 327, 2008, p. 71-75.)
263. Modéran, 2008, p. 74a. (Modéran, Yves «Les Vandales, "le plus délicat des peuples"» (en francès). L'Histoire, 327, 2008, p. 71-75.)
264. Modéran, 2008, p. 72-73.
265. Modéran, 2008, p. 74.
266. Wickham, Chris (2009). "Chapter 4". The Inheritance of Rome: A History of Europe from 400 to 1000. Penguin UK. ISBN 978-0-14-190853-3. Archived from the original on 11 October 2014. Retrieved 1 October 2022.
267. Modéran, 2008, p. 73. (Modéran, Yves «Les Vandales, "le plus délicat des peuples"» (en francès). L'Histoire, 327, 2008, p. 71-75.)
268. Modéran, 2008, p. 73.
269. Ymouna Beghdadi et Musée départemental Arles antique, Algérie antique : catalogue de l'exposition, 26 avril au 17 août 2003, Musée de l'Arles et de la Provence antiques, 2003 (ISBN 2-9516385-4-X et 978-2-9516385-4-9, OCLC 491227281).
270. Modéran, Yves «Les Vandales, "le plus délicat des peuples"». L'Histoire, 327, 2008, p. 74a
271. Heather, Peter (2005). The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, p. 512
272. Brogna, Major Anthony (2015). The Generalship Of Belisarius. Hauraki Publishing. ISBN 9781786256058. Retrieved 23 December 2023 – via Google Books. Yet, they were the minority in their kingdom. The majority of the population in the Vandal Kingdom considered themselves Romans and looked forward to the day of restoration of the Empire.
273. Álvarez Jiménez, David. El reino pirata de los vándalos. EUS-Universitat de Sevilla, 2017, p. 174—175
274. (en) Chris Wickham, The Inheritance of Rome: A History of Europe from 400 to 1000, Penguin UK, 29 janvier 2009 (ISBN 978-0-14-190853-3, lire en ligne), chap. 4.
275. Merrills 2004, p. 11 (Merrills, Andy (2004). "Vandals, Romans and Berbers: Understanding Late Antique North Africa". Vandals, Romans and Berbers: New Perspectives on Late Antique North Africa. Ashgate. pp. 3–28. ISBN 0-7546-4145-7.)
276. Merrills 2004, p. 11.
277. Merrills 2004, s. 11 (Merrills, Andy (2004). "Vandals, Romans and Berbers: Understanding Late Antique North Africa". Vandals, Romans and Berbers: New Perspectives on Late Antique North Africa (İngilizce). Ashgate. ss. 3-28. ISBN 0-7546-4145-7.)
278. Merrills 2004, pp. 11–12 (Merrills, Andy (2004). "Vandals, Romans and Berbers: Understanding Late Antique North Africa". Vandals, Romans and Berbers: New Perspectives on Late Antique North Africa. Ashgate. pp. 3–28. ISBN 0-7546-4145-7.)
279. Merrills 2004, p. 11-12.
280. Modéran, 2008, p. 75a. (Modéran, Yves «Les Vandales, "le plus délicat des peuples"» (en francès). L'Histoire, 327, 2008, p. 71-75.)
281. Modéran, 2008, p. 75.
282. Tatiana Benfoughal, Bijoux et bijoutiers de l'Aurès, Algérie : traditions & innovations, Université du Michigan, CNRS Éditions, 1997, 252 p., p. 51.
283. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum 8, 25362
284. Modéran, 2008, p. 75b «Si els conqueridors dels anys 430 no era certament tranquils viatgers, els seus descendents, que van ser vençuts el 533, eren més romans que molts dels seus vencedors bizantins». (Modéran, Yves «Les Vandales, "le plus délicat des peuples"» (en francès). L'Histoire, 327, 2008, p. 71-75.)
285. Modéran, 2008, p. 75. «Si los conquistadores de los años 430 no era ciertamente apacibles viajeros, sus descendientes, que fueron vencidos en 533, eran más romanos que muchos de su vencedores bizantinos».
286. Anthologia Latina 376,12.
287. Procop. Vand. I,21; II,6.
288. Modéran, 2008, p. 74b «No es troba cap estil ornamental o de temes específicament "germànics" en la decoració de les cases i dels edificis públics: els models romans de l'Antiguitat tardana es van imposar per tot arreu». (Modéran, Yves «Les Vandales, "le plus délicat des peuples"» (en francès). L'Histoire, 327, 2008, p. 71-75.)
289. Modéran, 2008, p. 74-75. (Modéran, Yves «Les Vandales, "le plus délicat des peuples"» (en francès). L'Histoire, 327, 2008, p. 71-75.)
290. Modéran, 2008, pp. 74-75.
291. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum 8, 25362
292. Merrills & Miles 2009, p. 1 (Merrills, Andrew; Miles, Richard (2009). The Vandals. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1405160681.)
293. Merrills & Miles 2010, p. 1 (Merrills, Andrew; Miles, Richard. The Vandals. John Wiley & Sons, 2010. ISBN 1405160683.)
294. (en) Andrew Merrills et Richard Miles, The Vandals, Blackwell Publishing, 2007, p. 60.
295. Anth. lat. 210—215, 376, 377 et passim. О «Латинской антологии» см. отдельную статью.
296. Anth. lat. 210—215, 376, 377
297. …κιθαριστῇ δὲ ἀγαθῷ ὄντι ᾠδή τις αὐτῷ ἐς ξυμφορὰν τὴν παροῦσαν πεποίηται, ἣν δὴ πρὸς κιθάραν θρηνῆσαί τε καὶ ἀποκλαῦσαι ἐπείγεται. Procop. Vand. II,6.33.
298. Procop. Vand. II,6.33
299. Modéran, 2008, p. 74. «No se encuentra ningún estilo ornamental o de temas específicamente "germánicos" en la decoración de las casas y de los edificios públicos: los modelos romanos de la Antigüedad tardía se impusieron por todas partes».
300. Yves Modéran, La mutation des Maures de l’intérieur à l’époque vandale, Publications de l’École française de Rome, 22 mai 2013 (lire en ligne), chap. 11, p. 541-561.
301. Procope, Guerre vandale, I, 5, 22.
302. Éd. Mommsen, dans Chronica minora, MGH, a.a., t. IX, p. 304.
303. Victor de Vita, I, 25 : « Quæ dum multitudo captivitatis Africanum attingeret litus, dividentes Wandali et Mauri ingentem populi quantitatem, ut moris est barbaris, mariti ab uxoribus, liberi a parentibus separabantur ».
304. Paul Diacre, Historia Romana, XIV, 17-18 (MGH, a.a., t. 2, p. 206-207).
305. Priscos, fragment 38, éd. R. C. Blockley, The fragmentary classicising Historians of the Later Roman Empire, t. 2, p. 341.
306. Sidoine Apollinaire, Carmen V (Panégyrique de Majorien), vers 332-338 (éd./Trad. A. Loyen, t. 1, Paris, 1960) : (…) Mea viscera pro se in me nunc armat ; laceror tot capta per annos jure suo, virtute mea, fecundaque pœnis quos patiar pario. Propriis nil conficit armis : Gætulis, Nomadis, Garamantibus Autololisque Arzuge, Marmarida, Psyllo, Nasamone timetur segnis, et ingenti ferrum jam nescit ab auro.
307. Victor de Vita, Historia persecutionis…, I, 30-38.
308. Victor de Vita, ibid., I, 35 : « Decernit statim rex [Geisericus] cuidam gentili regi Maurorum, cui nomen inerat Capsur, relegandos debere transmitti… Pervenientes autem traduntur memorato regi Maurorum, commanenti in parte heremi, quæ dicitur Caprapicti ».
309. Victor de Vita, ibid., I, 37 : « Hoc Geiserico relatione sua nuntiat Capsur. De qua re surgens invidia iubet famulos dei ligatis pedibus post terga currentium quadrigarum inter spinosa loca silvarum pariter interire… »
310. Merrills, Andy (2022-06-30). A Subaltern's View of Early Byzantine Africa? Reading Corippus as History. University of Leicester. ISBN 978-3-7001-9289-3